Prime Minister to visit Canada for trade and security talks
The Times reported that the pair will meet on June 14, ahead of the G7 leaders' summit in Alberta, against the backdrop of growing concerns about Donald Trump's trade war against its northern neighbour and repeated threats to annex Canada.
Mr Trump has repeatedly suggested turning Canada into its 51st state and imposed tariffs that led to retaliation from Ottawa.
The Canadian prime minister made the trip to Washington DC last month in a bid to ease tensions, but was dealt a blow last week when the US president doubled tariffs on steel imports.
Only the UK was spared from the White House's tariff hike, thanks to a deal struck between the two countries.
Levies will remain at 25% for imports from the UK, however Britain could still be subject to the higher 50% rate from July.
Sir Keir Starmer's trade pact with the US, struck last month, included relief on the steel and aluminium tariffs, but the implementation is yet to be finalised.
The Prime Minister's trip follows a royal visit by the King, who warned Canada is facing a 'critical moment' in its history, with the world a 'more dangerous and uncertain place' in a speech to open the nation's parliament.
Charles delivered an address written by the Canadian government that said Mr Carney's administration would bond with 'reliable trading partners and allies', a move that follows Mr Trump's economic tactics.
Many Canadians have seen the King's two-day visit to Ottawa as a symbol of support for the nation that has faced the unwanted attention of Mr Trump.
Charles told the parliament 'self-determination' was among a number of values Canada held dear and the government was 'determined to protect'.
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Below that is South Jersey. Democratic politics here are dominated by an old-fashioned political machine that is backing the lone South Jersey candidate in the field: former state Sen. Steve Sweeney. The trouble for Sweeney is that only about 30% of all primary votes will come from tis region. And because South Jersey is part of the Philadelphia media market, he's not well-known in the rest of the state, which is served heavily by the New York market. And to the extent he is known, Sweeney's connection to the South Jersey machine is a liability. According to a May Insider NJ poll, conducted by StimSight Research, more Democratic voters said the term 'typical machine politician' applies to him than any other candidate. No wonder he has lagged far behind in polling. Then there's vote-rich North Jersey, where the other candidates can all claim some advantage. Newark Mayor Ras Baraka is likely to win his city — the state's largest — overwhelmingly. Newark is also the seat of Essex County, which has more registered Democrats than any other county. More than 40% of Essex's population is Black, which should further boost Baraka, the lone Black candidate in the race. Nearby Union County, which has the second-highest share of Black residents, could offer another trove of votes. Baraka has also made a wider play for the party's progressive base. He has run hard to the left, and he burnished his anti-Trump credentials when he was arrested at an Immigration and Customs Enforcement facility last month. Coupled with deep Black support, that could be the makings of a potent coalition in a statewide primary. But Baraka has encountered traffic in the progressive lane thanks to the presence of Jersey City Mayor Steve Fulop, who is also embracing left-wing themes and has framed his candidacy as a war on the Democratic establishment. Insider NJ's poll asked Democrats whether any of the candidates stood out to them as being 'a true progressive.' Baraka and Fulop were cited more than anyone else — by far. In other words, they are each garnering support the other could badly use. Another candidate, Rep. Josh Gottheimer, has pitched his message more toward the middle, promising tax cuts and emphasizing cost-of-living issues. Gottheimer won his House seat by flipping what had been a reliably Republican district, and he has amassed an enviable campaign bankroll. He figures to perform strongly in suburban Bergen County, his political base, and he has been endorsed by Bergen's official Democratic organization. But when he entered the race, Gottheimer was counting on his perceived electability to gain the support of multiple major county organizations in North Jersey — not just his home county. Those organizations retain the feeling of old political machines, with their own formidable turnout operations and the ability to spend on their preferred candidates' behalf. Last year, Gottheimer seemed to notch a big one, when leaders from Hudson County (which includes Fulop's Jersey City) gave him their support. It was, he hoped, the first of many big dominoes to fall. But that deal crumbled apart over the winter, and the Hudson organization instead endorsed Sherrill. And Gottheimer kept missing out, too. Besides Bergen's, his only other party endorsement comes from tiny rural Warren County in the northwest corner of the state. Instead, it was Sherrill and her perceived electability that those county machines decided to go in with. Like Gottheimer, she also flipped a longtime GOP seat en route to Congress and has been a potent fundraiser. Her background as a Navy fighter pilot has also been a key selling point. Outside of Bergen's, Sherrill has won the endorsement of every major county machine in North Jersey — which as a region will produce about 70% of all votes in the primary. The near-unanimous show of establishment support has created a sense of momentum around Sherrill's campaign and sent a signal to donors and other influencers to get on board. And that's on top of the practical get-out-the-vote advantage it provides her. That having been said, there's a major ingredient missing this year: 'the line.' In the past, county parties would have been able to provide Sherrill with a highly preferential spot on primary ballots. But a court ruling undid that power last year. To what extent that dulls the power of the machines in primary elections is something everyone will be watching for in Tuesday's results. Still, Sherrill has managed to avoid the downsides of being associated with establishment politics. Only 20% of Democrats say the term 'typical machine politician' fits her — half the percentage who said the same about Sweeney in the same Insider NJ poll. That poll also found that an outright majority of Democrats said she could win the November election, far more than anyone else. Each major candidate will have pockets of deep support Tuesday. In polls and endorsements, though, Sherrill has shown the potential to perform well across the board, even in counties where she isn't the top vote-getter. If she can realize that potential Tuesday, victory will be hers. But it has to be said that we are flying blind here. If the dynamics of the race have shifted in the last few weeks, there has been almost no public polling that would catch it. And the demise of 'the line' has pushed the primary further into uncharted territory. The history of New Jersey Democratic primaries says Sherrill should win — but is history still worth anything in 2025?
