Ukrainian refugee cycling the globe to keep attention on war-torn home
A Ukrainian who sought refuge in Northumberland following Russia's full-scale invasion in Ukraine is cycling around the world so people do not forget about his war-torn home.
Volodymyr Muliar, 47, is a sound engineer and was previously in Ukrainian free folk band Folknery from 2009 until it officially ceased operations in 2023 alongside Yaryna Kvitka – his wife who he is in the process of getting divorced from.
He was born in Khmelnytskyi, a city in western Ukraine, and lived there until 2008 before moving to Kyiv.
From 2019 until June 2022, Mr Muliar, Ms Kvitka and their son Marko Muliar, nine, lived in Chernihiv, in northern Ukraine, interspersed with several adventures cycling to countries including Australia, Brazil, Argentina and India.
The trio moved to Hexham, in Northumberland, in June 2022, following Russia's full-scale invasion, after being offered residency there by locals Kevin Jones and Catriona Mulligan, who Mr Muliar said were 'truly, incredibly helpful'.
Wanting to do something to keep Ukraine in peoples' minds as the third anniversary of the attack draws ever closer, Mr Muliar embarked on his most daring challenge to date from May 31 2024 – trying to ride around as many countries in the world as he can over a three-year period.
'This was my big dream, I have dreamed about doing this all my life,' Mr Muliar, whose base when he is not travelling is Hexham, told the PA news agency.
'I have always been mad about travelling and discovering new places.
'It's such a difficult time for my country and I wanted to do something for my people, so decided to combine my ideas to cycle around the world and help Ukraine.
'I was really honoured to start the cycle from Hexham because it's a lovely place and it's a place where people gave me a lot of love.'
So far, he has ridden through countries including France, Spain, Portugal, Morocco, Senegal, Cape Verde and Uruguay and is currently in Chile.
He has been putting his legs to the test, cycling an average of 80 to 100km each day.
The most enjoyable aspect of the trip for him has been delving into the culture of each country he visits.
'What I love most is meeting people from other cultures,' he said.
'For example, when I was invited to visit the house of people in Morocco or Senegal, I felt their incredible hospitality.'
If he cannot physically get from one country to the next on his bike, he uses sailboats – but tries to avoid catching flights unless unavoidable.
He added there have been some challenging moments, in particular when dealing with the climate in the Sahara desert and being without his son.
'It was really hot, about 45 degrees and you would be cycling for huge distances with just sand, wind and crazy heat,' he said.
'I miss my son very much and I'm always thinking about him and for now, my biggest dream is to see him again and hug him.
'He understands that it is important for me to continue travelling because this is one of my favourite things to do in life and I try to explain to him I am doing this not just for me, but the people of Ukraine too.'
Mr Muliar was travelling around Egypt with his family when Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine happened on February 24 2022.
Reflecting on that day, he remembered feeling shocked when he received the news.
'It's probably the biggest, most shocking news for us in our life,' he said.
'We just couldn't believe it could happen in our time, in Europe, in modern times when all of us have such great possibilities and opportunities to live in peace and harmony.'
His mother and older brother remain in Khmelnytskyi and he said while it is 'a less dangerous place' compared to cities in the east, 'there is no completely safe place in Ukraine now'.
Recently, Volodymyr Zelensky, the president of Ukraine, called for the creation of an 'army of Europe' following a call between Donald Trump and Vladimir Putin about plans to bring the invasion of Ukraine to an end.
Mr Muliar said he hopes the world remembers and supports Ukraine.
'The world shouldn't forget about the situation in Ukraine because it is not only about Ukraine – the big monster that is Russia will continue to take countries if we don't stop them,' he said.
'This is a battle between evil and good so if the world supports Ukraine, it means support for the victory of good.'
Alongside the challenge, he has been fundraising for kit and expenses for his intercontinental adventure, as well as the Disasters Emergency Committee (DEC) so those directly impacted by the war in Ukraine can get the assistance they need.
He has also been documenting his travels on various social media platforms including Facebook and YouTube, which has been met with a plethora of comments and interactions.
'I'm glad when people like my videos and posts,' he added.
'It's nice people like what I am doing.'
Mr Muliar's fundraising page for kit and other expenses linked to his challenge can be found here: https://gofund.me/77bb8eb2, while his fundraising page where money will go to the DEC can be accessed here: https://gofund.me/2557ea74.
Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles
CNN
an hour ago
- CNN
World heavyweight champion Oleksandr Usyk keeps Ukraine on his mind as he prepares for his next big fight
Perched on Spain's eastern coast, the touristy town of Gandia may not look like an obvious home for one of Ukraine's biggest stars, but it's here that world heavyweight champion Oleksandr Usyk is basing himself ahead of his next fight. Quieter than other towns in the vicinity, its geography and climate confer it a surprising but important characteristic for Usyk and his team: it looks and feels like southern Crimea. The links to Usyk's home province and country don't stop there. Step inside his base – a co-working center turned fortress and gym – and you will see references to Ukraine everywhere. From the yellow and blue splashed on most walls, to the numerous flags, symbols and memorabilia he personally selected, Ukraine – and the war of survival it's going through – are very much at the forefront of Usyk's mind. 'It's a little difficult to balance things when your family is in Kyiv,' the WBA, WBC and WBO heavyweight champion told CNN Sports. Throughout the day, CNN witnesses him interacting with his two sons – hugging them, sharing jokes and even playing a little bit of soccer. They joined him at his training camp and, here, he knows they are safe. But some of his family have stayed behind in Ukraine. 'My two daughters and my wife,' he said. 'But I just know that my Ukrainian people and my Ukrainian soldiers will protect them.' When he's not preparing for a fight, Usyk himself spends most of his time at the family home in Kyiv, so he knows all too well what his family is going through every night, as Russian drones and bombs continue to batter cities around the country. He avoids the news as he tries to stay focused on his training, explaining it 'would be a distraction.' Still, the connections he's made in the military – he joined Ukraine's Territorial Defense Forces when Russia launched its full-scale invasion in 2022 and has visited the frontlines on several occasions – means he's immediately updated when something serious happens. 'The guys who are defending my country are on the front,' Usyk explained to CNN. 'I have information that is sent to me. When things are dangerous, they tell me.' They also share Ukraine's successes, like the daring drone strikes the nation carried out on Russian air bases deep within the country. 'I would like to express my deep gratitude to Vasyl Vasyliovych (Malyuk, head of Ukraine's Security Services [SBU]) – boss, great job,' he said, with a grin, beating his chest with his clenched fist. He added that he's messaged the SBU chief as well. But while a 'distraction' from training is what Usyk wants to avoid as he prepares to unify the world heavyweight title for the second time in his career against Great Britain's Daniel Dubois on July 19, distractions from the grueling and bloody battles at the front are a welcome break and exactly what his fellow soldiers need to take their minds away from the war. 'We try not to talk about the scary things they do to defend our country. What is happening there, what kind of shelling is happening, how they are being attacked, how they are heroically defending our country,' Usyk explained. 'They're more interested in what I'm doing. When I ask them questions, they say, 'Wait, wait, wait. Tell us about yourself, what's going on with you?'' 'At that moment, I show them videos of our training sessions,' he added. Those moments are small respite for those fighting to defend Ukrainian sovereignty, roughly three years and three months after Moscow's armies marched on Ukraine. But for the soldiers and Usyk, the war began long before with the annexation of his home in Crimea in 2014, just one year after he became a professional boxer. The war, he admitted to CNN Sports, has played a defining role in his development as an athlete. 'I think that, in a way, it motivated me to do something for my country,' he said, adding that he's not just fighting for himself. He's also used his platform to fundraise for Ukraine and frequently addresses the war and other issues facing his country on his social media accounts, advocating for his country and his people. To that end, he has also pleaded with US President Donald Trump for more support, offering to host him at his family home, so he can experience what it's like to live as Ukrainians do, under the threat of constant bombardment and air raids. A post shared by CNN (@cnn) Yet despite all of his work outside the ring, he has remained an undefeated 23-0 in his career with 14 wins coming by way of knockout. And he is confident he'll keep up his perfect record against Dubois at Wembley Stadium too. 'How confident am I? One hundred percent. 100,000,000%,' he told CNN Sports. 'It's difficult (to tune out the war), but I can switch off to do my job so that I can help my country more later on.'
Yahoo
13 hours ago
- Yahoo
Putin's suspected daughter found working in anti-war galleries in Paris
Nastya Rodionova, a Russian writer and artist who has been based in Paris since 2022, had only met gallery manager Luiza Rozova in passing at events before she learned who the 22-year-old's parents were. Described by a number of people as a 'very nice and well-mannered girl,' Rozova is the daughter of a Russian woman named Svetlana Krivonogikh — and, according to investigative journalists, Russian President Vladimir Putin. After learning about Rozova's family background, Rodionova took to social media on June 4 to share it, highlighting the fact that the galleries where Rozova works primarily showcase Russian and Ukrainian anti-war art. The post quickly went viral — but the reactions were divided. Some members of the Russian emigre community argued Rozova had no control over who her parents are and it shouldn't be held against her. Others agreed it was ethically questionable that a family member of the Kremlin leader worked in anti-war art galleries as Russia was waging war against Ukraine, and praised the artist for revealing it. 'We are talking about artists (showcased in the galleries) who fled the regime,' Rodionova told the Kyiv Independent. 'Many of them are in danger. They shared all their personal information with the gallery staff without knowing who works there — it upset them very much (to learn about her).' The Kyiv Independent reached out to Rozova for comment through her employer. He acknowledged that he had passed along the request for comment and 'if she considers it possible to answer' she would do so. As of publication, Rozova has not replied. In most of Rozova's photos that were posted on social media or taken by media outlets for interviews, her face is deliberately cropped or turned away — a subtle yet telling choice, which some believe is due to her uncanny resemblance to the Russian leader. In the few photos of Rozova where her face is fully visible, she does bear unmistakable resemblance to Putin. 'Listen, judging by (Putin's) younger photos — probably, yes, I do look like him. But as it turns out, there are actually a lot of people who resemble Vladimir Vladimirovich,' she told GQ Russia in 2021. In the interview, Rozova wasn't directly asked whether she was related to the Russian leader. Rozova first attracted international attention in 2020, when the independent Russian investigative outlet Proekt published an expose detailing the substantial wealth of her mother, Svetlana Krivonogikh, who at the time possessed over $100 million in assets. Proekt's investigation revealed Krivonogikh's longstanding ties to Putin and noted that her daughter Rozova 'bears an uncanny resemblance' to the Russian leader, fueling the widespread speculation about her parentage. In the rare instances that Rozova has granted media interviews since then, she has never outright acknowledged or denied that Putin is her father. Dmitri Dolinski — director of the L Association, which oversees both Studio Albatros and the L Galerie where Rozova is employed — confirmed to Rodionova that Rozova's mother is Krivonogikh, she said. Krivonogikh was sanctioned by the U.K. in 2023 due to her stake in Bank Rossiya, which has, among other things, supported investments in Russian-occupied Crimea following the illegal annexation of 2014. In her original viral social media post, the Russian artist Rodionova stressed the importance of Studio Albatros and L Galerie as cultural spaces showcasing Russian and Ukrainian anti-war artists — and why that made the presence of the Kremlin leader's alleged daughter there problematic. 'In the context of Russia's ongoing war of aggression, people organizing any public events involving anti-war artists — and in some cases direct victims of the regime — must act with maximum transparency and sensitivity,' Rodionova wrote. Rodionova previously participated in some gallery events but has chosen to no longer do so. 'We must know who we are working with and make informed decisions about whether we are okay with (exhibiting art there). My personal answer in this case is no.' Given the Russian and Ukrainian artists' outspoken anti-war positions, there is a potential risk associated with disclosing their personal information to L Association — particularly given the lack of clarity around Rozova's ties to the Russian regime. One artist who collaborated with the gallery had even welcomed Rozova into their home without knowing her family connections, Rodionova added. When Rodionova first asked about Rozova's background, Dolinski reportedly told her that he does not look into his employees' families. At the same time, Rodionova noted, it appears he hired Rozova while knowing who her mother was and the fact that her mother was already subject to U.K. sanctions. Amid the ongoing controversy, the L Association appears to be standing behind Rozova. 'We regret that some voices have called for forms of stigmatization or 'collective punishment,' and we remind everyone that no one should be judged by their origins, birthplace, heritage, or any other criteria beyond their control. This is a red line we will not cross,' the organization wrote on Facebook on June 9, although they didn't mention Rozova by name. In response to Rodionova's post, a number of Russian emigres argued in the comments that Rozova should not be held accountable for the crimes of her alleged father. They claimed she has made a public anti-war stance in social media — although her actual social media account is disputed — and pointed to her residence in Paris as evidence that she is unlikely part of Putin's close inner circle. The exact number of Putin's children remains unconfirmed. It's known that he has two daughters from his marriage to Lyudmila Putina, who he divorced in 2014. In 2024, the Russian investigative outlet Dossier Center reported that he also has two young sons with Alina Kabaeva, a former Olympic gymnast long rumored to be his partner. The two boys reportedly live in Putin's residence on Lake Valdai in northwestern Russia. Since coming forward with her revelation about Putin's alleged daughter Rozova, Rodionova told the Kyiv Independent that she has dealt not only with public slander but also threats made against her. 'I want to believe that these people have expressed their personal opinion but lots of messages were suspiciously similar,' she said, suggesting that there was an organized campaign of retaliation. Rodionova pushed back against those attacking her for raising questions about Rozova's parentage, arguing that they were distorting the reasons behind her decision. Regardless of Rozova's personal politics or the extent to which she has or hasn't benefited from the Russian regime, exiled artists like Rodionova emphasize that the ongoing dangers posed by Russia's full-scale war require extra caution and transparency when it comes to who is welcomed into anti-war cultural spaces. Read also: Controversial Russian literature prize sparks debate on separating culture from war crimes Hi there, it's Kate Tsurkan, thanks for reading this article. The story of Putin's alleged daughter working in anti-war art galleries in Paris is one of those crazy stories that make you realize culture and politics are never that far removed from each other, especially when it comes to Russia's war against Ukraine. I hope by reading this article you also reflected on questions of accountability, transparency, and trust during wartime. If you like reading this sort of material, please consider supporting us by becoming a paid member of the Kyiv Independent today. We've been working hard to bring you independent, locally-sourced news from Ukraine. Consider supporting the Kyiv Independent.
Yahoo
15 hours ago
- Yahoo
'Ukrainians have been stripped of illusion of control' — Filmmaker Kateryna Gornostai on Russia's war, cinema and reclaiming the narrative
When Russia launched its full-scale invasion of Ukraine, film director Kateryna Gornostai found herself questioning whether she would continue working. "I had this feeling that life — at least professionally — had come to an end," she says. "Who needed directors or screenwriters, then? At most, volunteers were needed, but hardly anyone involved in filmmaking." The urgency of documenting the war soon became clear, but emotionally picking up a camera didn't come easily. The 36-year-old filmmaker struggled with fear and doubt, knowing any shot she filmed could be her last. "It felt scary that you're filming, and these could be your last shots because now a missile will hit here. And that's all that will be left of you." Yet, she did return. In 2023, Gornostai began working on her first film following the start of the full-scale war. Her latest documentary "Timestamp," was screened at the 75th Berlin International Film Festival — making her the first Ukrainian director in nearly three decades to compete for the Golden Bear. The last was Kira Muratova's "Three Stories" in 1997. Gornostai attended the Berlinale only briefly, arriving just for the film's screening on Feb. 20, days after giving birth to her son. "Timestamp" follows students and teachers across different parts of Ukraine, including cities regularly pounded with Russian missiles and drones, showing what everyday school life looks like in the war-torn country. The film is both intimate and unflinching, offering a glimpse into how kids endure the hardship of growing up under constant bombardment. Gornostai dedicated the film to her younger brother Maksym, killed in action in 2023 while she was still filming. On June 11, the movie premiered in Ukraine. "It should be both fun and sad at the same time," she told the Kyiv Independent days before the screening. "That's what we hope for." Read also: Author Yuri Andrukhovych on Ukrainian dissident art in Soviet times Themes of school and adolescence are in the spotlight of Gornostai's work, with autobiographical and personal elements running through it. Just over a month before Russia launched its all-out invasion, Gornostai's debut feature film "Stop-Zemlia" premiered in Ukraine in January 2022. The movie earned recognition both at home and abroad, winning the Crystal Bear in the Berlinale Generation 14plus section, a category for movies that explore the life of children and teenagers. "Timestamp" has the same focus, yet different story, showing a new reality that Ukrainian education is facing — remote learning, damaged infrastructure, constant air raids, studying in the subway, and the psychological trauma of kids at war. One of the most important scenes in the film for Gornostai is the funeral of the school principal in the town of Romny, Sumy Oblast, killed in a Russian drone strike on the local school in August 2023. It's the only moment in the film where Russia is directly accused of aggression against Ukraine, the phrase spoken by a priest. "Because already, so much pain has touched nearly every person. Everyone has experienced some kind of loss — from their homes to their loved ones. Many have lost the most precious thing of all: life itself." "This school didn't live to see its hundredth anniversary, which would've been next year. It survived World War II, but it didn't survive this war," Gornostai says. Since the full-scale invasion of Ukraine, around 3,500 educational institutions have been damaged, and around 400 completely destroyed, Deputy Education Minister Yevhen Kudriavets said in late February of 2024. The Euromaidan Revolution was a turning point for Ukraine — and for a new generation of filmmakers, including Kateryna Gornostai. She was studying in Moscow at the time of the Maidan protests in 2013 but returned to Kyiv to document the unfolding events. "We all started making documentaries that explored civil society," she says. "It was a moment of growth — personal and professional. You're filming real events but also thinking about how they'll come together as a story." She made two documentaries during that time — "Maidan is everywhere" and "Euromaidan." Rough Cut, of which she was a co-author. While many turned their cameras toward the front lines of Russia's war in Ukraine's east that followed, Gornostai chose a different path. "I'm very scared," she admits. "Even on Maidan, I couldn't stand between the Berkut (riot police) and the protesters like some of our colleagues. I stayed in the rear, and I remember thinking — there are stories here, too." More than a decade later, she sees that moment as the foundation of a powerful wave of Ukrainian cinema. "(The Euromaidan Revolution became) a separation from that post-Soviet, Eastern European blend — because it used to feel like our cinema was perceived as part of Russian cinema prior. During the interview, Gornostai's tone sharpens when the conversation turns to Russia's cultural influence. For decades, Moscow cast a long shadow over Ukrainian cinema. Even after Ukraine's independence, Russian money and distribution networks kept a grip on the country's film industry. That influence didn't vanish with the invasion — it just evolved. Since the start of the war against Ukraine in 2014, Russia's film industry has shifted to propaganda. Yet, Russian films still screen at major international festivals, and Russian actors who support the war against Ukraine continue to win awards. "Movies are just one small part of a much bigger (Russian) cultural push," Gornostai says. "In fact, there is a huge campaign that has lasted for many, many decades, involving enormous financial resources, all aimed at creating an image (abroad). This is something that we (in Ukraine) have not done. And what we are trying to do now is to build some kind of postcolonial lens through which Ukraine should now be seen." 'Most of the films that have been screened somewhere weren't made thanks to the circumstances in Ukraine, but rather in spite of them.' Abroad, she says, fascination with Russian culture persists, while the understanding of Ukraine still lags behind. "The fact that there are signs of genocide committed by Russia and that the Holodomor could have already been recognized as a genocide a century back — very few people know that abroad. But they do know the great Russian ballet, literature — all those things that were deliberately built up, promoted, and became part of a certain stereotype." According to Gornostai, for a long time, there was a prevailing belief in Ukraine that the answer to Russian propaganda should be counter-propaganda. But she thinks that Ukraine should be creating high-quality cinema, not propaganda of its own. "We simply need something completely different that will make us stand out and represent ourselves on the international stage. I think quality is very important now in this world," she adds. Gornostai believes that the current crisis in Ukrainian cinema stems more from domestic policy than the war itself. Even before Russia's full-scale invasion, government inaction had weakened the industry. Following the invasion, funding for the State Film Agency was slashed. In 2025, only Hr 204.1 million ($4.9 million) is allocated, nearly 70% less than in 2024. 'Most of the films that have been screened somewhere weren't made thanks to the circumstances in Ukraine, but rather in spite of them,' says Gornostai. 'They were funded either by private money, individual initiatives, or through international grants, producers, or festival pitching awards that made production possible. Documentary filmmaking can survive in this way.' A standout example is '20 Days in Mariupol' by director Mstyslav Chernov, which documented the Russian siege of the city in 2022 and won Ukraine's first Oscar in 2024 for Best Documentary. 'This is a huge victory for the truth itself. It preserves and engraves the history of Mariupol and no one will be able to distort it anymore,' Gornostai says. Gornostai's new feature film, "Antonivka," is expected to be released in 2027. Set in the aftermath of Ukraine's victory in the war, the film explores death. "Even when this war ends, it won't truly be over," says Gornostai. "Because already, so much pain has touched nearly every person. Everyone has experienced some kind of loss — from their homes to their loved ones. Many have lost the most precious thing of all: life itself." She believes that once the war ends, there will be a difficult period of collective reckoning — a time when people begin to process their grief. Her film, she says, is an attempt to open that conversation. "There's this ephemeral law that time heals. It works very strangely. It doesn't really heal. That's not the whole phrase," Gornostai says. "Time simply passes, and it's as if layers of new experiences start to build up after that very significant moment in your life — for example, the death of someone close to you. These layers grow, and it's as if they gradually distance you from that moment." "That's the subject I'm grappling with now — and it's a subject many others are facing too," she continues. "How do we grieve that kind of loss? How do we reflect on it? The film deals with many kinds of deaths, but at its core, one of its central elements is the acceptance of your own death — the one that awaits you." One of the central figures in the film is an elderly man who lived through famine and war. As Gornostai speaks, she recalls her two grandfathers who passed away. "Ukrainians have now been stripped of the illusion of control," the filmmaker says. "But still, I'd like to have the privilege of dying at a time when I know that my family will remain here, that people speaking the Ukrainian language will remain here, and that there is peace and life on this land. And that I am leaving it behind. Not dying in a moment of total turbulence and uncertainty about what will happen tomorrow — as if I'm leaving everyone in the middle of that." "So this is another privilege: a privilege to die in a free country. And this is one of the motivations for making this film." Read also: Wondering where to start with Dostoevsky? Try his Ukrainian contemporaries instead Hello there! This is Kateryna Denisova, the author of this piece. As Russia's war against Ukraine grinds on, Ukrainian filmmakers like Kateryna Gornostai are capturing stories that reveal the reality on the ground. I hope many people will watch these films and learn more about Ukrainian cinema and its directors through interviews like this one. Your support helps make this work possible. Please consider contributing to sustain our reporting. We've been working hard to bring you independent, locally-sourced news from Ukraine. Consider supporting the Kyiv Independent.
