Connecticut man charged in connection with fatal shooting in 2005 arrested in Dublin
A Connecticut man wanted in connection with the murder of a taxicab driver in that state 20 years ago was taken into custody Wednesday by the United States Marshals and the Dublin Police Department, the U.S. Marshals Service reports.
Mohammed Ali, 38, is a suspect in the February 2005 murder of 34-year-old Mureed Hussain, and was being sought by the Windsor Locks Police Department in Connecticut. Hussain worked as a cab driver in New York City.
In a joint operation, the United States Marshals Southern Ohio Fugitive Apprehension Strike Team (SOFAST) and the Dublin Police Department arrested Ali on Wednesday afternoon at a home in the 4000 block of Wyandotte Avenue, the marshal's office said in a news release.
Ali was formally charged on Jan. 13 by the Connecticut Superior Court with conspiracy to commit murder and criminal liability for acts of another (murder), the marshals said in the news release.
"The U.S. Marshals Service works daily with our law enforcement partners all over the country to locate and apprehend dangerous fugitives," said Michael Black, a U.S. marshal for Ohio's Southern District. "After receiving the case from our fugitive task force in Connecticut, we coordinated with the Dublin Police Department to quickly and safely apprehend Ali."
Ali is being held at the Franklin County jail and awaiting extradition to Connecticut.
According to a February 2005 article by the Hartford Courant, Hussain was a Pakistani immigrant who came to the United States in 1997 and worked as a cab driver for Eastland Limo and Car Service in New York City. He had a wife and two young sons, the Courant reported.
Reporter Shahid Meighan can be reached at smeighan@dispatch.com and at shahidthereporter.dispatch.com on Bluesky.
This article originally appeared on The Columbus Dispatch: Mohammed Ali arrested in Dublin for 2005 murder in Connecticut
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Yahoo
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Rights Activist Mahrang Baloch Writes From a Pakistan Prison
Supporters of Balochistan National Party carry posters of Mahrang Baloch during a protest in Quetta on May 2, 2025. Credit - Banaras Khan—AFP/Getty Images It has been more than two and a half months since I was thrown into prison—Hudda Prison, in Quetta, Pakistan, the same place father was caged nearly two decades ago, also for promoting the rights of the people of Balochistan. Since my arrest, Pakistan's state secuity agencies have deployed every tactic to break me. I have been offered a deal: stay silent, avoid political activity, and you can be home. I refused. The state has failed to produce a single piece of evidence linking me to any act of violence or criminality. The only "proof" they cite is a press conference I gave a few days before my March 22 arrest. I spoke to reporters after armed militants had hijacked a train and held 300 passengers hostage for hours. The attack occurred in the Balochistan, the largest province in Pakistan, and was carried out by Baloch separatists who have been fighting with the state for decades. At the press conference, I spoke not to defend the hijackers—our movement, the Baloch Yakjehti [Unity] Committee, has always renounced violence. Indeed, my intention was to draw a distinction between those who confront the state with arms and those who confront it with words. It's a crucial distinction, one the state prefers to blur. In Pakistan, 'terrorist' is a label pinned on anyone who advocates for Baloch rights. Those who speak up run the risk of arrest by military and intelligence agencies. After their arrest, they might never be seen again. If they are, it is often as a body, produced after a violent incident like the train was why I asked reporters: Who were the more than two dozen 'unidentified' bodies brought to Quetta's Civil Hospital after the hijacking? And why were 13 of them buried overnight without being named? The attackers, the Baloch Liberation Army, had released pictures and details of the 12 militants it said were killed. The identities of the rest were a mystery, but we had our suspicions. In Balochistan it is common practice, after violent episodes, for the forcibly disappeared persons to be put to death, and their bodies produced as those of militants. I demanded DNA testing of those who had been buried in the dead of night. Families of the disappeared feared, with good reason, that their loved ones were among more: Pakistan Jails Baloch Human Rights Activist So I am in jail for insisting on the distinction between peaceful activism and violence. My work had already drawn unwelcome international attention. In May 2024, Pakistani officials were outraged after I visited Norway at the invitation of PEN Norway, the Norwegian branch of PEN International and the World Expression Forum. I was even harassed on Norwegian soil by individuals linked to Pakistan's embassy in Oslo, whose intervention was ended by the Norwegian domestic security agency, PST. When I returned to Pakistan, I was immediately charged with sedition, and treated as if I had returned from an ISIS camp in Syria or Iraq rather than one of the most peace-loving countries in the world. In October, the government's smear campaigns amplified with my inclusion on the TIME100 Next Emerging Leaders. I was called 'Malala 2' and a Western puppet. Surveillance around me intensified, and I was placed on the Fourth Schedule, an anti-terror watch list typically reserved for hardened militants, and which restricts the movement and activities of the listed. I was barred from travelling abroad. I am learning the price of peaceful activism. For decades, Pakistan has kept the rest of the country, and the world, in the dark about Balochistan. It remains an information black hole. Among those the military and intelligence agencies have forcibly disappeared, killed, or forced into exile are journalists who dare to write about these atrocities. According to the Balochistan Union of Journalists, more than 40 have been killed since 2000. Foreign media are denied access to the region. From this darkness, a woman leading a grassroots movement for Baloch rights was unacceptable. The hostility of the state intensified with the BBC's 100 Women list, and a nomination for the Nobel Peace Prize. But if international pressure has prevented my being killed, I face psychological warfare, threats, and the constant spectre of danger. I write this the day my sister told me that the Islamic State of Khorasan (ISIS-K) released a 100-page Urdu-language booklet accusing me of being a Western agent. Their "evidence"? The TIME honor and Norway trip. Other BYC leaders are in jail with me: Sabghat Ullah Shah Jee, Beebarg Zehri (a disabled man), Gulzadi, and Beebow. I tell them: We are not the first to be imprisoned for demanding peace, justice, and rights. From Nelson Mandela to Narges Mohammadi, we walk the same path. We draw strength from their courage, intellect, and defiance. Our movement is rooted in peace. We speak against enforced disappearances, extrajudicial killings, forced displacement, and the systematic denial of basic rights to the Baloch. We are the rightful owners of the Saindak Copper-Gold Project (worth billions of dollars, but the profits are not shared with the local population), the Reko Diq mine (estimated to hold copper and gold reserves worth over $60 billion, but the benefits are not reaching the Baloch people), and Gwadar — the gateway to the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor. Yet, 70% of Balochistan's population lives below the poverty more: Pakistan Bars Activist From Traveling to TIME Event Honoring HerThe state is offended and brands us terrorists and violent. But we are not violent. The state is armed, powerful, and ruthless. It uses violence to silence those who ask for justice. The practices once reserved for the Baloch, considered lesser citizens, are now expanding to other parts of Pakistan. Former Prime Minister Imran Khan and his party are now under the military's wrath. He is jailed. Is Imran Khan also a terrorist? Are members of his PTI party now "agents of hostile agencies"? If the Pakistan Army and its intelligence agencies are as competent as they claim to be, why have they failed to present a single piece of credible proof? Why have they not held a fair, transparent trial? Because this isn't about the law; it's about fear, their fear of our truth. This prison is more than bricks and bars. It carries the memory of my father. As a child, I visited him here. I didn't grow up playing with toys. I grew up holding posters of my father, who was detained and then disappeared. When I turned eighteen, I received his lifeless, tortured, bullet-riddled body. This is not just my story. It's the story of every child in Balochistan. Childhood here is shaped by grief, fear, and posters of the disappeared. When our generation came of age, those of us raised in the shadows of state violence, we vowed: No child after us should suffer the same fate. We are fully aware of the power imbalance between us and a nuclear-armed state. It controls the media. It runs smear campaigns. It weaponizes the judiciary. It deploys overwhelming force. It controls the parliament. It operates proxy groups and armed militias. Our confinement is part of a war of narratives. Speaking up for justice is not a crime. Raising our voices against state violence is not treason. Demanding rights is not terrorism. It is humanity. And one day, we believe, this struggle will succeed. Contact us at letters@
Time Magazine
4 hours ago
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Mahrang Baloch Writes From Prison: ‘Speaking Up for Justice Is Not a Crime'
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At the press conference, I spoke not to defend the hijackers—our movement, the Baloch Yakjehti [Unity] Committee, has always renounced violence. Indeed, my intention was to draw a distinction between those who confront the state with arms and those who confront it with words. It's a crucial distinction, one the state prefers to blur. In Pakistan, 'terrorist' is a label pinned on anyone who advocates for Baloch rights. Those who speak up run the risk of arrest by military and intelligence agencies. After their arrest, they might never be seen again. If they are, it is often as a body, produced after a violent incident like the train attack. This was why I asked reporters: Who were the more than two dozen 'unidentified' bodies brought to Quetta's Civil Hospital after the hijacking? And why were 13 of them buried overnight without being named? The attackers, the Baloch Liberation Party, had released pictures and details of the 12 militants it said were killed. The identities of the rest were a mystery, but we had our suspicions. In Balochistan it is common practice, after violent episodes, for the forcibly disappeared persons to be put to death, and their bodies produced as those of militants. I demanded DNA testing of those who had been buried in the dead of night. Families of the disappeared feared, with good reason, that their loved ones were among them. Read more: Pakistan Jails Baloch Human Rights Activist So I am in jail for insisting on the distinction between peaceful activism and violence. My work had already drawn unwelcome international attention. In May 2024, Pakistani officials were outraged after I visited Norway at the invitation of PEN Norway, the Norwegian branch of PEN International and the World Expression Forum. I was even harassed on Norwegian soil by individuals linked to Pakistan's embassy in Oslo, whose intervention was ended by the Norwegian domestic security agency, PST. When I returned to Pakistan, I was immediately charged with sedition, and treated as if I had returned from an ISIS camp in Syria or Iraq rather than one of the most peace-loving countries in the world. In October, the government's smear campaigns amplified with my inclusion on the TIME100 Next Emerging Leaders. I was called 'Malala 2' and a Western puppet. Surveillance around me intensified, and I was placed on the Fourth Schedule, an anti-terror watch list typically reserved for hardened militants, and which restricts the movement and activities of the listed. I was barred from travelling abroad. I am learning the price of peaceful activism. For decades, Pakistan has kept the rest of the country, and the world, in the dark about Balochistan. It remains an information black hole. Among those the military and intelligence agencies have forcibly disappeared, killed, or forced into exile are journalists who dare to write about these atrocities. According to the Balochistan Union of Journalists, more than 40 have been killed since 2000. Foreign media are denied access to the region. From this darkness, a woman leading a grassroots movement for Baloch rights was unacceptable. The hostility of the state intensified with the BBC's 100 Women list, and a nomination for the Nobel Peace Prize. But if international pressure has prevented my being killed, I face psychological warfare, threats, and the constant spectre of danger. I write this the day my sister told me that the Islamic State of Khorasan (ISIS-K) released a 100-page Urdu-language booklet accusing me of being a Western agent. Their "evidence"? The TIME honor and Norway trip. Other BYC leaders are in jail with me: Sabghat Ullah Shah Jee, Beebarg Zehri (a disabled man), Gulzadi, and Beebow. I tell them: We are not the first to be imprisoned for demanding peace, justice, and rights. From Nelson Mandela to Narges Mohammadi, we walk the same path. We draw strength from their courage, intellect, and defiance. Our movement is rooted in peace. We speak against enforced disappearances, extrajudicial killings, forced displacement, and the systematic denial of basic rights to the Baloch. We are the rightful owners of the Saindak Copper-Gold Project (worth billions of dollars, but the profits are not shared with the local population), the Reko Diq mine (estimated to hold copper and gold reserves worth over $60 billion, but the benefits are not reaching the Baloch people), and Gwadar — the gateway to the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor. Yet, 70% of Balochistan's population lives below the poverty line. Read more: Pakistan Bars Activist From Traveling to TIME Event Honoring Her The state is offended and brands us terrorists and violent. But we are not violent. The state is armed, powerful, and ruthless. It uses violence to silence those who ask for justice. The practices once reserved for the Baloch, considered lesser citizens, are now expanding to other parts of Pakistan. Former Prime Minister Imran Khan and his party are now under the military's wrath. He is jailed. Is Imran Khan also a terrorist? Are members of his PTI party now "agents of hostile agencies"? If the Pakistan Army and its intelligence agencies are as competent as they claim to be, why have they failed to present a single piece of credible proof? Why have they not held a fair, transparent trial? Because this isn't about the law; it's about fear, their fear of our truth. This prison is more than bricks and bars. It carries the memory of my father. As a child, I visited him here. I didn't grow up playing with toys. I grew up holding posters of my father, who was detained and then disappeared. When I turned eighteen, I received his lifeless, tortured, bullet-riddled body. This is not just my story. It's the story of every child in Balochistan. Childhood here is shaped by grief, fear, and posters of the disappeared. When our generation came of age, those of us raised in the shadows of state violence, we vowed: No child after us should suffer the same fate. We are fully aware of the power imbalance between us and a nuclear-armed state. It controls the media. It runs smear campaigns. It weaponizes the judiciary. It deploys overwhelming force. It controls the parliament. It operates proxy groups and armed militias. Our confinement is part of a war of narratives. Speaking up for justice is not a crime. Raising our voices against state violence is not treason. Demanding rights is not terrorism. It is humanity. And one day, we believe, this struggle will succeed.
USA Today
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Ex-New Orleans jail worker charged with aiding high-profile breakout
Ex-New Orleans jail worker charged with aiding high-profile breakout Show Caption Hide Caption New Orleans DA talks about prison inmates escape investigation Orleans Parish District Attorney Jason Williams talks about his investigation into how 10 inmates managed to escape a New Orleans jail. A former New Orleans jail employee believed to be the girlfriend of escapee Derrick Groves has been arrested and charged with allegedly helping facilitate the high-profile jailbreak, authorities said. Deputies with the U.S. Marshals Service arrested Darriana Burton, 28, in New Orleans on June 9, according to Louisiana Attorney General Liz Murrill's office. The attorney general's office said Burton was taken into custody without incident. Agents with the Louisiana Bureau of Investigation and the U.S. Marshals Service coordinated to arrest Burton and obtained an arrest warrant on May 27. The attorney general's office said Burton was wanted in connection with the escape of 10 inmates, who fled the Orleans Parish jail on May 16. Authorities accused Burton of aiding in Groves' escape. She faces a felony charge of conspiracy to commit simple escape and was taken into custody in the Plaquemines Parish jail, according to the attorney general's office. "Burton is believed to be the current girlfriend of Derrick Groves," the attorney general's office said in a statement. "We have confirmed they were in an on-again, off-again relationship for three years." From August 2022 to March 2023, Burton was employed at the Orleans Parish Sheriff's Office, according to the attorney general's office. Burton was fired from her job in 2023 after she was arrested for allegedly bringing contraband into the jail and malfeasance in office. The charges were dropped by the Orleans Parish District Attorney's Office in October 2024, the attorney general's office said. 'We will continue to pursue anyone and everyone who has aided and abetted these criminals. We will find you, arrest you, and prosecute you to the full extent of the law," Murrill said in a statement. "I'd like to thank the US Marshals Service for executing our warrant for this woman. We will arrest all aiders and abettors, and we will eventually get Antoine Massey and Derrick Groves back to prison where they belong." 'Get it together': Fear and anger in New Orleans turn to calls for action over jail escape How did the inmates escape? Ten inmates escaped from the Orleans Parish jail in the early morning of May 16. Authorities previously said that the group escaped through a hole in a cell wall after ripping away a toilet and sink unit. Three were recaptured by the end of the same day, and five more were caught in the weeks after. Two of them were found over 300 miles away in Huntsville, Texas, and led authorities there on a high-speed chase before they were apprehended. Antoine Massey, 32, and Groves, 27, are the two inmates still at large. Massey has made national headlines in recent weeks after two videos posted on social media showed a man purporting to be the escapee. State and local authorities said they were aware of the videos and were reviewing them. Authorities previously announced awards of up to $20,000 per inmate for information leading to their arrests. Authorities are currently offering $50,000 for tips leading to the arrest of Massey and Groves. Groves was convicted of two charges of second-degree murder and two charges of attempted second-degree murder in October in connection with a shooting during Mardi Gras in 2018. Groves also has been awaiting sentencing on a manslaughter charge since October. Massey is charged with domestic abuse involving strangulation and theft of a motor vehicle, according to Orleans Parish records. There also is a warrant for his arrest in St. Tammany Parish for second-degree rape, second-degree kidnapping, domestic abuse involving strangulation and violation of a protective order involving battery stemming from an incident in November, the parish's sheriff's office said. New Orleans jail escape: Maps and videos show how it happened People arrested for helping escaped New Orleans inmates Authorities previously said they suspected that other people had either helped the inmates escape from the prison or helped them evade capture. At least 16 people have been arrested, including Burton, for aiding the escapees. On May 26, police announced the arrests of Diamond White, 21; Lenika Vanburen, 28; Tyshanea Randolph, 27; Patricia Vanburen, 18; Angel McKay, 41; and Lenton Vanburen Sr., 48. All were booked into the Plaquemines Parish jail, according to Louisiana State Police spokesperson Sergeant Kate Stegall. White was arrested for helping Massey while the others were accused of aiding 26-year-old escapee, Lenton Vanburen Jr. On May 23, Murrill announced that Trevon Williams, 23, was charged with 10 counts of being a principal to simple escape. Williams was already incarcerated at the New Orleans jail on unrelated charges. Also on May 23, the New Orleans Police Department said it arrested Emmitt Weber, 28, on a charge of accessory after the fact of simple escape. Weber was one of four people questioned after investigators "combed through surveillance footage, connecting crucial dots in the search," police said. Jail maintenance worker, Sterling Williams, 33, was charged with being a principal to simple escape and malfeasance in office. Murrill said Williams admitted that he complied with a demand from one of the inmates to shut off the water to a cell, which allowed the escapees to remove the toilet and sink unit. Others arrested in connection with the prison escape include Casey Smith, 30; Connie Weeden, 59; Cortnie Harris, 32; and Corvanntay Baptiste, 28. Authorities accused them of being in contact with and helping the inmates. According to a 21-year-old woman was arrested and charged with being a principal to aggravated escape and obstruction of justice in connection with the case. The news outlet also reported that Daishanae Massey, 31, was booked with being an accessory after the fact to simple escape. It was unclear whether Daishanae Massey and Antoine Massey are related. Contributing: Jeanine Santucci and Michael Loria, USA TODAY
