A symbol of courage and integrity
In an era where silence often prevails in the face of injustice, internationally renowned Pakistani architect Yasmin Lari has set a remarkable precedent by refusing the prestigious Wolf Prize in Architecture (2025). This bold decision was not merely an act of personal conviction but a powerful statement against the ongoing atrocities in Gaza. By declining an award introduced in Israel in 1978, Lari has demonstrated the moral strength and integrity that make her not only an exemplary architect but also a beacon of humanitarian consciousness.
Lari's decision to reject the award is a profound act of solidarity with the Palestinian people. The Wolf Prize, which aims to promote 'friendly relations between peoples', stands in stark contrast to the ongoing suffering in Gaza. Her refusal highlights the urgency of acknowledging and addressing the humanitarian crisis in Palestine. As she eloquently stated, 'I had to do it, I had no choice, I did it, what else can we do?' Her words resonate with the sentiments of millions who feel helpless but seek ways to voice their opposition to injustice.
Lari has made a lasting impact on both architecture and social activism. Her work spans from grand structures to sustainable, low-cost housing for marginalised communities, notably aiding flood victims in Sindh. Beyond design, she prioritises social responsibility, earning prestigious accolades such as the 2023 Royal Gold Medal for Architecture and the 2020 Jane Drew Prize. Her work embodies ethical, inclusive architecture that empowers marginalised communities and reshapes architecture's societal role.
By refusing the Wolf Prize, Lari has reinforced the idea that professional excellence must be accompanied by moral responsibility. Her courageous stand reminds the world that architecture is not just about building structures; it is about shaping societies and standing up for justice. In doing so, she has become an inspiration not only for architects but for all individuals who seek to align their professional achievements with ethical principles.
Dr Intikhab Ulfat
Karachi
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Express Tribune
42 minutes ago
- Express Tribune
India, ISKP and BLA: Pakistan's multi-front security challenge
The writer is a public policy analyst based in Lahore. She can be reached at durdananajam1@ Listen to article In recent years, Pakistan has grappled with an evolving security landscape marked by a resurgence of terrorism and foreign interference. From the Islamic State Khorasan Province (ISKP) to the Baloch Liberation Army (BLA), and with India's Research and Analysis Wing (RAW) allegedly backing these elements, the threats are no longer isolated. They form part of a broader, transnational effort to undermine Pakistan's internal cohesion, divert its strategic focus and erode its sovereignty. At the heart of these challenges lies a sophisticated matrix of proxy warfare, disinformation campaigns and ideological subversion, designed to weaken Pakistan's state apparatus and inflame ethnic and sectarian divisions. Pakistan's commitment to countering terrorism has been evident in recent counter-intelligence successes. The arrest of an ISKP recruiter in coordination with Turkey's National Intelligence Organization (MIT) signals a proactive approach to dismantling terror networks. However, gains like these are frequently offset by persistent external interference. RAW's support to insurgent groups such as the BLA and Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) reportedly extends beyond financial and logistical assistance. It includes strategic disinformation campaigns aimed at fostering mistrust within Pakistani society and delegitimising state institutions. By exploiting regional grievances — particularly in Balochistan and former tribal areas — these actors seek to provoke unrest and delegitimise constitutional authority. Such asymmetric tactics are not unique, but the scale and precision of their execution suggest a long-term strategy to destabilise Pakistan from within. The manipulation of nationalist sentiments and radical religious narratives is central to this objective, positioning Pakistan as a battleground for ideological and geopolitical contests. While ideological differences exist between groups like ISKP and BLA, they converge on one objective: undermining the Pakistani state. Rivalries between such factions may occasionally result in infighting, but their collective impact remains deeply destabilising. These groups exploit porous borders, weak governance in remote regions and access to digital platforms to sustain their operations. The fragmentation of these networks does not reduce the threat; instead, it signals a dangerous adaptability. Their volatility, combined with the external backing they receive, fuels a cycle of violence with repercussions far beyond Pakistan's borders. The result is not only domestic insecurity but also a regional spillover — disrupted trade routes, refugee inflows and diminished prospects for regional cooperation. The persistence of such conditions limits Pakistan's ability to assert itself diplomatically and economically within South Asia. Pakistan faces an existential threat, not merely through armed incursions or terrorist attacks but through strategic hybrid warfare. The tools of this conflict are disinformation, cyber subversion and proxy militancy — each aimed at fragmenting Pakistan's national identity and weakening its institutions. This multi-pronged approach serves broader geopolitical aims: to contain Pakistan's strategic outreach, curtail its role in regional diplomacy and deter foreign investment. The cost is not only economic — it is societal, institutional and psychological. A state that must perpetually defend its legitimacy at home finds it difficult to project influence abroad. Addressing these complex challenges requires more than tactical responses. While intelligence coordination and counter-terrorism operations remain crucial, the broader strategy must be structural, long-term and rooted in resilience. First, Pakistan must continue to modernise its security and intelligence infrastructure. This includes enhanced cyber surveillance, predictive analytics and robust counter-disinformation architecture. Investment in these capabilities would strengthen the state's ability to detect, deter and disrupt both internal threats and foreign interference. Second, a sustained policy of regional engagement is essential. While strategic competition with India may persist, Pakistan must continue building alliances with regional actors — particularly those with shared concerns about terrorism and cyber threats. Intelligence sharing, joint operations and diplomatic convergence, such as seen with Turkey and China, offer a pathway to collective security. Third, internal consolidation is paramount. Socio-economic disparities, especially in regions like Balochistan and Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa, continue to serve as recruitment grounds for extremist groups. Development, however, must be matched with political inclusion, institutional reform and restoration of state legitimacy through accountable governance. Lastly, the narrative domain must not be ceded. Pakistan must invest in strategic communication — amplifying voices of national unity, countering propaganda and promoting critical media literacy. Civil society, academic institutions and religious leaders all have roles to play in rebuilding a national consensus rooted in pluralism and constitutionalism. Pakistan's security dilemma is no longer confined to its borders. The instability it faces is both a consequence and a driver of wider regional volatility. If left unaddressed, the current trajectory could precipitate broader strategic disorder across South Asia. By consolidating internal strength, refining external partnerships and investing in long-term social resilience, Pakistan can reposition itself not merely as a state under siege but as a proactive agent of regional stability — one that places sovereignty at the centre, balances coercive capability with socio-political outreach and embeds national security within a framework of regional cooperation.
Express Tribune
42 minutes ago
- Express Tribune
Military notes of Indo-Pak conflict — the rundown
The writer is a retired major general and has an interest in International Relations and Political Sociology. He can be reached at tayyarinam@ and tweets @20_Inam During the last two weeks, in this series, we discussed the perceptual aspects of the recent Indo-Pak standoff, India's doctrinal collapse, the redefined deterrence and the 'Exterior' and 'Interior Maneuvers' by both sides, before and during the hostilities. We continue the debate… This was the first time that India under its supposed 'new normal' used 'cruise' missiles, both the BrahMos version (PJ-10 co-developed with Russia) as well as the European SCALP-EG targeting Pakistan proper. Pakistan also retaliated for the first time, employing its conventionally armed short-range Fatah-I and Fatah-II series of 'ballistic' missiles and other types. This was also the first time that RPVs (drones) were used with the intent of causing damage to the other side, in addition to reconnaissance and intelligence-collection roles. This was also the first time that strategic instability in South Asia was linked internationally to the unresolved Jammu and Kashmir dispute and not terrorism per se. Let us quickly recapture the timelines from April 22 to May 22, 2025. In run up to the crisis, on April 22, five militants killed 26 civilian tourists in Pahalgam, Jammu & Kashmir, including one Nepali national, leading to Indian finger pointing towards Pakistan-based Jaish-e-Mohammed (JeM) and Lashkar-e-Taiba (LeT) groups. On April 23, India suspended the Indus Waters Treaty, closed Attari–Wagah border crossing, expelled Pakistan's military diplomats, reduced Pakistan's diplomatic staff and cancelled SAARC visas for Pakistani nationals. From April 23–30 border skirmishes took place. On April 24, Pakistan condemned the Pahalgam attack and termed India's response as 'unilateral'; and retaliated by cancelling Indian visas, evacuating Indian nationals, closing its airspace to Indian aircraft, halting all trade and warning India against diverting Indus water, calling it an act of war. On April 25, India initiated ceasefire violations across the LoC. National Security Committee (NSC) met in Pakistan on April 26. Iran stepped forward with an offer to mediate. And on April 30, India banned its airspace to Pakistan, and IAF intruded into Pakistani airspace. Escalation and military preparations took place during May 1–6. US Secretary of State Marco Rubio, after some initial ambivalence, 'expected' to speak with both foreign ministers on May 1. On May 3, Pakistan successfully test-fired its short-range Abdali ballistic missile. India escalated by cutting off all mail and trade links with Pakistan, banning Pakistani vessels from its ports and warned Pakistani ships against entering the Indian waters. On May 4, India stopped downflow from Baglihar dam on River Chenab. On May 6, Pakistan shot down 29 Indian drones near the LoC and in Punjab. And Iran's FM visited Pakistan proposing mediation. In the military operations (May 7–10), India launched 'Operation Sindoor', on May 7, conducting missile strikes on nine sites in Pakistan (Bahawalpur, Muridke, Gulpur, Bhimber, Chak Amru, Bagh, Kotli, Sialkot and Muzaffarabad). On May 10, IAF attacked eight major Pakistani air bases, including Nur Khan base in Rawalpindi. Pakistan, early on May 10, retaliated with Operation 'Bunyan-un-Marsoos', launching missile and drone combo on 26 military targets across India, and in the Indian-occupied Kashmir. It also launched another wave of swarm drones, loitering munitions and Fatah missiles targeting 26 locations along India's western border. On the same day (May 10), the Saudi FM called for de-escalation, Secretary of State Rubio spoke with both PMs and NSAs, urging restraint. Pakistan's DGMO reached out to the Indian side for direct military-level communications. President Trump mediated the ceasefire and announced it on X. On May 11, Pakistan claimed victory against India. Both sides subsequently conducted propaganda offensive through aggressive diplomacy by sending delegations to global capitals. In between the above compressed timeline, a lot went through. The Indian attacks, as per information available through open sources, were 'supposedly calibrated' during May 8 and early on May 9, whereas the wider attacks during May 9-10, still 'presumably' calibrated, were dangerously escalatory, as these were aimed at Pakistan's SEAD (suppression of enemy air defences) systems, after IAF having lost aircraft on May 7. It was sometimes on the morning of May 9 (the US time and evening in India/Pakistan), that the US received unspecified, new but 'alarming intelligence' about dangerous escalation between both sides, as reported by CNN and corroborated by The New York Times. The US worries emerged before the dramatic escalation during the night of May 9-10, but no source has actually 'identified' those worries. The 'speculation' is that Washington observing Pakistan's launch of short-range Fatah-I and -II ballistic missiles and others for the first time during May 9-10 night got aggressively involved. Islamabad's stockpile of tactical nuclear arsenal and Indian thinking of continuing a conventional war of punitive retribution provided a background to it. Some analysts also attribute it to Pakistan's deft diplomacy, signalling to and drawing on the US interlocution, spurred by 'readiness changes in Pakistan's stockpiles', besides the announced meeting of Pakistan's National Command Authority, that oversees the non-conventional means of war i.e. the nuclear weapons. The DG ISPR had, on May 9, declined calls for de-escalation due to the planned riposte under Pakistan's 'quid-pro-quo plus' strategy, to equalise losses caused by the Indian attacks. India later struck Nur Khan airbase around 2:30 am on May 10. This attack was meant to 'strike where it would hurt', to quote the Indian Director-General Air Operations, Air Marshal Bharti. However, that was an escalatory message. The Indian attacks also targeted Rafiqui, Rahim Yar Khan and Sukkur bases during the first wave of strikes, followed by the IAF strikes at Sargodha, Bholari and Jacobabad airbases and some military infrastructure at Murid, Chunian, Arifwala and Pasrur. This was India 'knocking on the nuclear door', and it presumably provided more muscle and lethality to Pakistan's riposte, that was dubbed equally if alarmingly escalatory by Washington. In de-escalation, the predominant view is that the Saudis, the Americans, the Turks and the Qataris rushed to quell India 'not because Pakistan asked, but because Delhi could not stabilize the board…Pakistan had not flinched; it had not folded. It escalated, absorbed and redrew the board'. More on ceasefire exclusively later. Continues…
Express Tribune
2 hours ago
- Express Tribune
Bilawal vows strong response if India builds dams on rivers flowing into Pakistan
Bilawal Bhutto along with members of the delegation held a post-visit press briefing at Pakistan High Commission in London, UK on June 11. Photo: Listen to article Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP) Chairman Bilawal Bhutto Zardari warned that Pakistan would take more aggressive actions if India goes ahead with plans to construct new canals or dams on the three rivers flowing into Pakistan. 'Were they to act on it, Pakistan has been very clear: we'd consider that an act of war,' he said. Speaking at a press conference in London on Wednesday, Bilawal warned that the risk of a nuclear conflict between Pakistan and India could become a reality if New Delhi carries out its threat to suspend the Indus Waters Treaty (IWT), calling the move "water terrorism" and an act of war. 'India and Pakistan are bound by the terms of the IWT. India will have to take back and withdraw its threat,' he said, referring to the ongoing tensions between the two nuclear-armed neighbours. Chairman PPP and Head of Pakistan's High-Level Delegation, Bilawal Bhutto Zardari addressing a press conference from London. — Pakistan Peoples Party Digital (@pppdigitalpk_) June 11, 2025 Bilawal, who is leading a parliamentary delegation to garner international support for Pakistan amidst rising tensions with India, expressed pride in Pakistan's military strength. He praised the leadership of COAS Field Marshal Syed Asim Munir. 'We are proud that the Pakistan Army won the war against India. Pakistan Army proved that it can defeat India, both at the military and the diplomatic front,' he added. The PPP leader also raised concerns about India's role in transnational repression, pointing to Western intelligence evidence suggesting Indian involvement in terrorism on foreign soil, including the killings of Hardeep Singh Nijjar in Canada and the assassination attempt on Sikhs for Justice leader Gurpatwant Singh Pannun in the United States. Bilawal stated that despite India's efforts to push a narrative of Pakistan's involvement in the Pahalgam attack, the Western world has refrained from siding with India due to evidence of its involvement in terrorism beyond its borders. 'India is involved in terrorism on Western soil, they are hiding the truth from their own people,' he said. Wrapped up a successful visit to London with a candid press interaction with Pakistani media in the UK. Throughout the high-level mission, we engaged across the board with UK officials, global think tanks, international media, civil society, and our vibrant diaspora, projecting… — BilawalBhuttoZardari (@BBhuttoZardari) June 11, 2025 He further condemned Indian Foreign Minister Jaishankar's threats to "strike deep inside Pakistan," calling them the rhetoric of a warmonger, rather than a diplomat. He called India a 'terrorist state' and said that its targeting of Sikhs had been exposed globally. The PPP leader also commented on the lack of evidence from India regarding the Pahalgam attack, stressing that India had failed to provide any identity of the so-called terrorists involved. Read More: India's unilateral suspension of IWT could destabilise regional peace: Bilawal Bilawal welcomed US President Donald Trump's offer to mediate between India and Pakistan, calling it a pragmatic approach. He noted that India's efforts to sabotage peace initiatives would not succeed. 'Kashmir is not a bilateral issue, it is an international issue,' he said, adding that India had no choice but to address the matter on a global stage. He concluded by announcing that Pakistan would soon present a new dossier to the international community, exposing India's role in terrorism and laying bare the "true face" of Indian aggression. Head of the High-level Multi-Party Delegation Mr. Bilawal Bhutto Zardari @BBhuttoZardari, along with other members of the delegation held a post-visit press briefing at @PakistaninUK. The High-level delegation briefed about their meetings with leadership and senior officials of… — Pakistan High Commission London (@PakistaninUK) June 11, 2025 Following successful visits to Washington, New York, and London, the Pakistani delegation arrived in Brussels on Wednesday. Upon arrival, the delegation was warmly received by Pakistan's Ambassador to the European Union, Belgium, and Luxembourg, Rahim Hayat Qureshi, along with officials from the Pakistani Embassy. The delegation is scheduled to meet senior officials from the European Union and Belgium. These meetings will address India's disinformation campaign, with the parliamentary delegation providing a robust response to India's aggressive stance and highlighting its intentions towards Pakistan. The delegation will also engage with leading European think tanks and international media representatives to further discuss the ongoing conflict and the importance of a peaceful resolution. Read Also: Bilawal warns Pakistan-India war threshold at 'historic low' The delegation's mission is to debunk Indian propaganda following the recent escalation in tensions between India and Pakistan. The delegation, appointed by Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif, aims to present Pakistan's position on the conflict, emphasising the need to resolve the Jammu and Kashmir issue in line with United Nations Security Council resolutions and the aspirations of the Kashmiri people. The members of the delegation include Minister for Climate Change Dr Musadik Masood Malik, Chairperson of the Senate Standing Committee on Climate Change and Environmental Harmony Senator Sherry Rehman, Chairperson of the National Assembly Standing Committee on Foreign Affairs Hina Rabbani Khar, former minister for commerce Khurram Dastgir and MQM's Parliamentary Leader in the Senate Senator Faisal Sabzwari.
