Defining antisemitism is no threat to free speech. Without a definition, we are adrift
Thirty-plus democratic governments, the European Parliament, the UN secretary-general, and tech giants such as Meta, have endorsed or incorporated the definition. Australia's special envoy to combat antisemitism, Jillian Segal, grounded her national plan released this month in the same wording, citing a 316 per cent surge in antisemitic incidents.
All 39 Australian universities have endorsed or adopted a similar version to the IHRA definition. The universities do not include some of the IHRA's specific examples of antisemitism but do refer directly to criticism of Zionism as potentially being antisemitic, unlike the IHRA definition, which does not mention Zionism.
The definition has become the world standard because it provides 11 practical illustrations that police, teachers and human rights watchdogs can map onto real-world cases – swastikas on playgrounds, synagogue bomb threats, or, yes, demonisation of Israel when it slips into Nazi analogies.
Since Segal released her plan, there have been several recurring objections:
'It chills free speech.' Amnesty International warns the plan 'threatens people's rights to freedom of expression and assembly'.
'It stifles criticism of the Israeli government.' Labor MP Ed Husic has said the 'definition instantly brings into question whether or not people will be able to raise their concerns of the actions, for example, of what the Netanyahu government is doing in Gaza.'
'It will be weaponised to defund universities and media.' Headlines warn of an 'inappropriate definition' used to strip funding from institutions.
'Weaponising antisemitism insists on the exceptionalism of the Jewish community'. Some argue that the 'Jewish establishment' is insidious in using antisemitism for nefarious ends.
At first blush, these arguments sound like principled liberal concerns. Probe a little and they dissolve into a curious double standard that leaves every minority except Jews entitled to define the hatred they face.
Why the 'free speech' objection misfires is because the IHRA definition is diagnostic, not punitive. The document itself states it is 'non-legally binding.' No one is jailed for foot-faulting it.
While the special envoy has called for punitive action if patterned institutional antisemitism is not dealt with, the IHRA definition itself does not demand sanction. It is a working guide to what anti-Jewish racism looks like.
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There was a consensus that AI was being weaponised to harm children, from creating deepfakes - which digitally manipulate images and video to superimpose someone's face or voice - to generating child abuse material, creating the potential for exploitation, blackmail and bullying. MP Zali Steggall, who seconded Ms Chaney's bill, branded it every parent's worst nightmare. "When a criminal is downloading this technology to then create this material, that's going to have a lifelong impact on children and is really damaging," the independent MP said. "We need these guardrails with urgency, we need the government to show it can act quickly. "My concern is, amidst the paralysis of a broad review of AI, we have these very clear areas of harm that go unaddressed for months at a time ... this is a very clear area of harm identified that can be dealt with very quickly." International Justice Mission Australia chief executive David Braga called for the government to legislate a digital duty of care, requiring platforms to actively take steps to prevent harm. "Now is the time for the Australian government to strengthen the Online Safety Act to require companies ... to detect and disrupt child sexual abuse material in all its forms on their platforms," he said. Attorney-General Michelle Rowland said keeping vulnerable Australians safe was the government's priority, and it would consider the legislation. "Keeping young people safe from emerging harms is above politics and the government will give appropriate consideration to the private member's bill," she said in a statement to AAP. 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There was a consensus that AI was being weaponised to harm children, from creating deepfakes - which digitally manipulate images and video to superimpose someone's face or voice - to generating child abuse material, creating the potential for exploitation, blackmail and bullying. MP Zali Steggall, who seconded Ms Chaney's bill, branded it every parent's worst nightmare. "When a criminal is downloading this technology to then create this material, that's going to have a lifelong impact on children and is really damaging," the independent MP said. "We need these guardrails with urgency, we need the government to show it can act quickly. "My concern is, amidst the paralysis of a broad review of AI, we have these very clear areas of harm that go unaddressed for months at a time ... this is a very clear area of harm identified that can be dealt with very quickly." International Justice Mission Australia chief executive David Braga called for the government to legislate a digital duty of care, requiring platforms to actively take steps to prevent harm. "Now is the time for the Australian government to strengthen the Online Safety Act to require companies ... to detect and disrupt child sexual abuse material in all its forms on their platforms," he said. Attorney-General Michelle Rowland said keeping vulnerable Australians safe was the government's priority, and it would consider the legislation. "Keeping young people safe from emerging harms is above politics and the government will give appropriate consideration to the private member's bill," she said in a statement to AAP. Lifeline 13 11 14 Kids Helpline 1800 55 1800 (for people aged 5 to 25) 1800 RESPECT (1800 737 732) National Sexual Abuse and Redress Support Service 1800 211 028
