
Trump and Musk feud: A timeline of a friendship gone sour
US President Donald Trump and his (now former) biggest fanboy, Elon Musk, are breaking up in the most tech way on their own social media platforms.
The tech billionaire initially supported Trump in his re-election bid on X, but is now using his social media network to allege that the president is mentioned in the late convicted paedophile Jeffrey Epstein's files.
Here is a timeline of their relationship and the moment it went sour.
The pair originally did not support each other. Musk had said he voted for Democrats in 2016 and 2020. Musk resigned from two White House advisory councils in 2017 after the Trump administration left the Paris climate accord.
In 2022, Trump claimed Musk had voted for him and called him a 'b******* artist'.
Musk officially endorsed Trump after an assassination attempt at a rally in Pennsylvania in July 2024.
"I fully endorse President Trump and hope for his rapid recovery," Musk wrote on X just after the shooting.
Musk then proceeded to financially support Trump's presidential bid and donated around $277 million (€242 million) in the election cycle.
At his victory speech in November 2024, the president slapped on the praise on Musk, announcing, 'We have a new star. A star is born. Elon!'
Musk, alongside the CEOs of Meta, Google, and Amazon, attended Trump's inauguration ceremony.
At another even that day, Musk sparked outrage when he took to the stage and appeared to perform a salute affiliated with Nazis.
Musk advised an organisation called the Department of Government Efficiency (DOGE), created by Trump through an executive order. It aims to oversee cost-cutting at government agencies. It also forces return-to-office mandates.
But DOGE quickly received backlash after trying to control agencies such as the US Institute of Peace.
On March 6, Trump told cabinet members that they were in charge of job cuts at their agencies, not Musk.
Following backlash in Europe and the US over Musk's involvement in politics and his support for far-right parties, such as in Germany, Trump made a show of support for Musk's EV company, Tesla.
Trump sat inside a Model S with Musk, which was displayed with other Tesla models on the White House lawn, and announced he would buy a Tesla.
Musk announced he is leaving the government, as it was the end of his 'scheduled time' as a special government employee. Trump then praised him as "one of the greatest business leaders and innovators the world has ever produced".
On May 22, the relationship took a turn after the US House of Representatives passed a significant piece of legislation.
The document, called the One Big Beautiful Bill Act, aims to fast-track policy around spending and has hundreds of proposed changes, such as tax cuts to changes in social benefits, such as health care.
On Tuesday, Musk wrote on X: 'I'm sorry, but I just can't stand it anymore. This massive, outrageous, pork-filled Congressional spending bill is a disgusting abomination'.
Musk argued the bill's spending would increase the "already gigantic budget deficit" and "burden American citizens with crushingly unsustainable debt".
One chairwoman of the DOGE committee, Marjorie Taylor Greene, said on X she now regrets endorsing the deal as it prevents individual states from regulating artificial intelligence (AI) for the next decade.
'We have no idea what AI will be capable of in the next 10 years, and giving it free rein and tying states' hands is potentially dangerous,' she said.
Trump said that Musk knew about his plans for the bill but only opposed it when he learned it would impact Tesla.
'He only developed a problem when he found out that we're going to have to cut the EV mandate,' Trump said, referring to government policies that support the production and sale of electric vehicles.
'Elon was 'wearing thin,' I asked him to leave, I took away his EV Mandate that forced everyone to buy Electric Cars that nobody else wanted (that he knew for months I was going to do!), and he just went CRAZY!' Trump wrote on his platform, Truth Social.
Trump also said: 'The easiest way to save money in our Budget, Billions and Billions of Dollars, is to terminate Elon's Governmental Subsidies and Contracts. I was always surprised that Biden didn't do it!'
In response, Musk screenshot that post and wrote he would decommission SpaceX's Dragon spacecraft as a result of the president's statement.
We are likely to see more accusations on their respective social media accounts.
'For Trump, this is a clear case of billionaire backfire. Losing a high-profile ally like Musk weakens his 'pro-business, best people' narrative and paints a picture of a presidency built on convenience rather than conviction,' said Josh Wheeler, PR expert at pr agency Be Bradcast in the US.
For Musk, the consequences are 'equally brutal,' he added, saying that the drop in Tesla shares shows just how quickly perception can tank valuation.
Calling for the impeachment of a sitting president, accusing him of being tied to Epstein, and threatening to decommission NASA-linked spacecraft is 'less maverick genius and more public meltdown,' Wheeler said.
'Both men have built reputations on dominance and disruption. Right now, neither is controlling the narrative. They have lost the room, the market, and, in Musk's case, possibly future government contracts'.
SpaceX founder Elon Musk threatened to decommission a key space capsule used to take supplies to the International Space Station (ISS) as part of his ignited feud with US President Donald Trump before appearing to relent.
Musk started the conflict by calling Trump's "Big Bold Beautiful Bill," a budget reconciliation bill, a "disgusting abomination" on his social media platform X.
The post ignited a series of back-and-forth blows between Trump and Musk over social media.
Trump then threatened to cancel government contracts given to Musk's SpaceX and Starlink internet services, which Musk then responded to by saying he would decommission the Dragon spacecraft immediately.
Musk later said he wouldn't decommission the craft in response to an account called Alaska (with no apparent relation to the US state) that called the back and forth a "shame" and asked Musk to "step back for a few days," to "cool off."
The Dragon capsule, developed with the help of government contracts, is an important part of keeping the ISS running.
The US' space agency NASA also relies heavily on SpaceX for other programmes including launching science missions and, later this decade, returning astronauts to the surface of the Moon.
SpaceX is the only US company capable right now of transporting crews to and from the space station, using its four-person Dragon capsules.
Boeing's Starliner capsule has flown astronauts only once; last year's test flight went so badly that the two NASA astronauts had to hitch a ride back to Earth via SpaceX in March, more than nine months after launching last June.
SpaceX also uses a Dragon capsule for its own privately run missions. The next one of those is due to fly next week on a trip chartered by Axiom Space, a Houston company.
The company has used its rockets to launch several science missions for NASA as well as military equipment.
Last year, SpaceX also won a NASA contract to help bring the space station out of orbit when it is no longer usable.
SpaceX's Starship mega rocket is what NASA has picked to get astronauts from lunar orbit to the surface of the moon for the first two landing missions.
Russia's Soyuz capsules are the only other means of getting crews to the space station right now.
The Soyuz capsules hold three people at a time.
For now, each Soyuz launch carries two Russians and one NASA astronaut, and each SpaceX launch has one Russian on board under a barter system. That way, in an emergency requiring a capsule to return, there is always someone from the US and Russia on board.
With its first crew launch for NASA in 2020 — the first orbital flight of a crew by a private company - SpaceX enabled NASA to reduce its reliance on Russia for crew transport.
The Russian flights had been costing the US tens of millions of dollars per seat, for years.
NASA has also used Russian spacecraft for cargo, along with US contractor Northrup Grumman.
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More specifically, to Washington, DC. The price cap on Russian oil was introduced in December 2022 by the Group of Seven (G7) under the initiative of the Joe Biden administration. It was hailed as an ingenious, ground-breaking mechanism to mobilise the collective power of Western allies and cripple Russia's high-intensity war machine. As part of the plan, the G7, together with Australia, passed laws prohibiting their domestic companies from providing services, such as insurance, financing and flagging, to Russian tankers that sold seaborne crude oil above a predetermined price. The secret lay in market power: for decades, Western firms, particularly British ones, have dominated the sector of Protection and Indemnity (P&I), a type of insurance that gives shipowners broad protection and allows them to cover potentially huge costs from any accidental harm caused to the crew, their property or the environment. Due to the inherent risks of moving oil in high waters, P&I is today considered the norm in maritime trade and a must-have to be accepted in a foreign port. By leveraging their leading firms, the G7 intended to create an extraterritorial effect that would cap the price of Russian oil not only within their jurisdictions but all around the world. Following intense behind-the-scenes talks, the cap was set at $60 per barrel, a compromise between hard-line and cautious member states. The strategy only worked up to a point however. Although the price of Russian Urals oil gradually decreased, it consistently remained above the $60 mark, often exceeding the $70 threshold. The blatant circumvention was attributed to the "shadow fleet" that Russia deployed at high sea. These tankers are so old and poorly kept that they fall outside P&I standards and rely on alternative, obscure insurance systems that escape G7 surveillance. By the time the cap entered into force, Moscow "had spent months building a 'shadow fleet' of tankers, finding new buyers like India and China, and creating new payment systems, to the point that its oil does not need to be greatly discounted to sell," Luis Caricano, a professor at the London School of Economics, wrote in a recent analysis. "What should have been a blow became a manageable problem," Caricano said. With few sectors in the Russian economy left to sanction, Brussels has turned its sight to the cap as a means to tighten the screws on the Kremlin and secure a ceasefire in Ukraine. The Commission has reportedly pitched a revision between $50 and $45 per barrel, which the UK and Canada are believed to support. However, the US has so far refrained from endorsing a lower price cap, raising the stakes ahead of crunch talks at the G7 summit in Alberta, scheduled for mid-June. Now, a tough question emerges: Can the EU dare, and afford, to go it alone? In the strictest legalistic sense, the EU could, indeed, establish a lower price cap on its own. After all, the G7, as an organisation, lacks regulatory powers: each ally amends its laws individually to fulfil a collective mission. In this case, the EU introduced new legislation to prohibit EU companies – rather than, say, American or British companies – from servicing Russian tankers that bypassed the $60-per-barrel cap. Similarly, the bloc could now change the text to adjust that prohibition to a tighter price without waiting for other allies to reciprocate. Here appears the first roadblock: any change to sanctions must be approved by a unanimous vote among member states. It is highly unlikely that all 27 countries would choose to move forward with a lower cap without having an explicit guarantee that Washington will follow suit. Hungary, in particular, has fully aligned itself with the Trump administration and could veto any proposal opposed by the White House. Even if the bloc managed to overcome internal differences and agreed to a lower cap on its own, more formidable obstacles could impede its success. The bloc's revised cap would have to co-exist with America's existing cap. This means that one side of the Atlantic Ocean would apply a $50-per-barrel limit while the other side would apply a $60-per-barrel limit, creating a cacophony for all actors involved. "Different price caps across G7 countries could confuse maritime service providers and weaken overall enforcement," Petras Katinas, an energy analyst at the Centre for Research on Energy and Clean Air (CREA), told Euronews. "A solo move by the EU could cause friction within the Price Cap Coalition, damaging trust and coordination, both of which are crucial for keeping pressure on Russian oil revenues," Katinas added, warning the project could be rendered "largely symbolic". The legislative chaos would immediately benefit the Kremlin, which has long sought to exploit loopholes to evade and undermine international sanctions. Moscow, though, would also face hurdles: the continued crackdown on "shadow fleet" vessels has forced the country to increase its reliance on G7 insurance, which, in theory, could make it easier for the EU to apply the revised measure. "If the EU alone decides to tighten the screws on the cap, it's an additional constraint on Russia's oil exports but not as tight as with a whole of G7 approach," said Elisabetta Cornago, a senior researcher at the Centre for European Reform (CER). Besides practical snags and legal matters, there is geopolitics to consider. One of the reasons why the G7 initiative has fallen short of expectations is that, as the name suggests, it has remained a G7-exclusive plan. Countries in Asia, Latin America and Africa have refused to play along and join the coalition. China and India openly buy Russian crude oil, sometimes to refine it and resell it under a different label. Having the EU and the US go separate ways would further destabilise the Western alliance and create the impression of a transatlantic break-up. But for many, that is already a reality: the "Coalition of the Willing", born after Donald Trump unilaterally launched negotiations with Vladimir Putin, bears testament to the political divide. "The price cap was a G7 + EU initiative, and so in its current form, I do not see any pathway in which the EU could adjust the cap without the support of the broader coalition, including the US," said Ben McWilliams, an affiliate fellow with Bruegel. "That said, the EU is free to implement whatever measures it wants on its own domestic ships and insurance companies, which it could likely encourage the UK to join," McWilliams added. "So the EU can still move ahead – it would just need to be under a different institutional format than currently exists."