Lawmaker: Kids need more sandlot ballgames, skinned knees and unstructured play
State Sen. Lincoln Fillmore waxes a bit nostalgic recalling the days when kids knew it was time to hustle home when the street lights brightened, when phones were still attached to walls — and when a skinned knee doubled as a badge of honor.
Childhood, he told a recent Senate Education Committee gathering, is quite different today.
'We have changed childhood to one that is programmed and supervised,' said Fillmore, R-South Jordan.
In efforts to keep kids safe, he added, grown-ups are 'robbing children' of opportunities to learn resilience, perseverance, self-confidence and other real-world skills.
So as a formal call to, in his words, 'make childhood great again', Fillmore is sponsoring a legislative resolution encouraging 'practices that promote child independence'.
The lawmaker hopes the resolution encourages parents, schools and local governments to 'find ways to have children get out and explore and play on a more independent basis, rather than having them constantly supervised by adults.'
Provisions highlighted in the resolution, which hold no statutory weight, include:
The importance of free play and child independence.
Supporting children engaging in independent activities.
Encouraging the Utah State Board of Education to incorporate childhood independence throughout the core standards for the state's public schools.
Urging local governments and school districts to enact practices that encourage children to build independence.
The resolution also claims that 'constant supervision thwarts a child's ability to develop important qualities such as resourcefulness, self-awareness and perseverance.'
Independent play, it adds, reduces anxiety and depression — even while allowing children to take risks, build grit and determination, and to interact with others while solving challenges without unnecessary adult intervention.
'Children,' noted the resolution, 'deserve time and space to explore, play and wander.'
Fillmore encouraged schools to utilize Let Grow — a national program/movement dedicated to promoting childhood independence.
'(Let Grow) provides free resources to schools to give them ideas about what they can do in recess time or at PE — and what kind of homework assignments they can give that build childhood independence,' he said.
Fillmore's resolution enjoyed unanimous support from the Senate Education Committee, passing it on for reading on the Senate floor.
'Our teachers are exhausted, our parents are exhausted. We are all chasing our tails, and I think this is exactly what we need,' said Sen. Kathleen Riebe, D-Cottonwood Heights.
During public comment, Tanner Hunter said he works as a social worker at a Utah elementary school. 'I'm speaking in favor of this resolution. Working with kids every day. I see what they're going through and the things that they are struggling with.
'So being able to find ways to get them out, and getting them out to play … will be important for these students.'
Parent Melanie Mortensen remembers being a little girl and 'exploring the foothills of my hometown and riding my bike for miles and miles and being gone all day.'
Her children did not enjoy the same opportunities 'due to changing society issues and conditions.'
Mortensen said she 'loves the idea' of giving unsupervised playtime back to kids — but also 'letting them try hard things and build that resiliency.'
Leah Hansen of Saratoga Springs also spoke in favor of Fillmore's child independence resolution. 'As a child, I learned a lot by playing, and I think this is one way that we can help our education improve.'
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Axios
an hour ago
- Axios
Trump using L.A. unrest to push his big bill in D.C.
President Trump and his allies have a new message for wobbly Republicans in Congress: Either support his "Big Beautiful Bill" or get bashed for backing the Los Angeles protesters waving Mexican flags in front of burning cars. Why it matters: It's a sign of the political hardball Trump is playing within his own party. At the same time, he's squeezing California's Democratic leaders with what critics call an over-the-top response to protests fueled by his immigration crackdown. The drama in L.A. has helped the White House shift some of its focus from Trump's feud with Elon Musk and place it squarely on immigration — an issue on which Trump continues to poll relatively well despite growing discontent over his aggressive push for arrests and deportations. As California Gov. Gavin Newsom and L.A. Mayor Karen Bass accuse Trump of escalating the tension there, the White House sees a chance to attack sanctuary city policies, embarrass Democrats and show the need for the immigration funding in the mammoth bill that most Republicans strongly support. Zoom in: Trump has long backed using force — even the military — to subdue destructive protests. But his advisers say there was no master plan for immigration raids to spark the type of protests and vandalism in L.A. that would lead Trump to call in the National Guard, over Newsom and Bass' objections. The big picture: To Trump's team, Newsom's opposition, the televised images of vandalized cars, and protesters throwing rocks and waving foreign flags to oppose U.S. immigration arrests did more to boost the White House's push to maintain GOP support for Trump's bill than any of its recent talking points. "We see the riots in L.A. laden with political opportunity, in that it's a fight between what Republicans say they want vs. the radical left and protesters waving the Mexican flag in front of burning cars — and the Democrats supporting them," said a senior White House adviser. "It's the best BBB marketing ever. It has brought the critical nature of increased border funding and immigration enforcement to the fore," said Andrew Kolvet, spokesman for Turning Point USA, a major voice in Republican advocacy. "Everyone we're talking to in the Senate says this put it over the top." To Kolvet's point, Tom Cotton, chair of the Senate's Republican conference, sent out three talking points Monday to his GOP colleagues emphasizing Newsom's role and violent protestors. Cotton also tussled with Newsom on X. In one reply, the senator posted a picture of a masked demonstrator waving a Mexican flag atop a vandalized car with flames in the background. Reality check: There is a constitutional question about whether Trump is empowered to call up the California National Guard when its governor is opposed. Newsom is suing. The context is dramatically different, but a president calling in the Guard over a governor's objection has happened before. In 1968, President Johnson did so to enforce civil rights laws amid opposition from Alabama Gov. George Wallace. Late Monday, Trump also moved to deploy Marines to Los Angeles, an unprecedented escalation in modern times, further angering California officials. What they're saying:"Republicans are trying to take away health care from millions of Americans in order to give tax breaks to billionaires — so Trump is manufacturing a crisis, demonizing immigrants with increasing extremism, cruelty and disregard for the law," California Sen. Alex Padilla said on X Monday. "It's the Trump playbook." But Padilla's post, which featured a TV news clip of him making the comments, showed the messaging problem Democrats face. It was displayed in a split screen of him talking juxtaposed with video of a burning car. It wasn't clear Monday whether Trump's California political play was changing any holdout Republicans' votes on his signature bill. Kentucky Rep. Thomas Massie, one of the few GOP no votes on the legislation last month, still opposes the bill because of its deficits and policies favoring state and local tax (SALT) deductions that particularly benefit blue states. "The 'Big Beautiful Bill' actually rewards Gov. Newsom's failed polices with a $100 billion gift to California in the form of increased SALT deductions," he told Axios in a written statement. The protests "are a bitter reminder that Trump let California and NY Republicans ransom his border security agenda," Massie added. Another congressional Republican who has serious problems with the bill told Axios on background that "this has always been the plan by BBB supporters — to use the border as pressure to not address the fiscal impact of some/many of the taxes." Trump's L.A. response is "just a circumstance of not letting a crisis go to waste."


Politico
an hour ago
- Politico
What to watch in New Jersey's primary election for governor
Tuesday's primary in New Jersey is set to lay the groundwork for a high-stakes general election that will decide if Democrats can hold on in the typically blue-leaning state or if Republicans can continue to make gains. The race to succeed term-limited Democratic Gov. Phil Murphy is the most competitive primary in recent history, thanks in part to a new ballot design and a large pool of prominent candidates. As one of only two gubernatorial races this year — and the only one with a fierce primary — Tuesday's results in New Jersey will be closely watched as both parties gear up for what's expected to be a close race in November. In the Republican primary, Jack Ciattarelli — who came just points away from unseating Murphy in 2021 — is looking to seal the deal against his top opponent, former radio host Bill Spadea. The Democratic contest, where six candidates are vying to replace Murphy, is more up in the air. Rep. Mikie Sherrill is seen as having the best shot, though the other candidates — Newark Mayor Ras Baraka, Jersey City Mayor Steven Fulop, Rep. Josh Gottheimer, New Jersey Education Association President Sean Spiller and former state Senate President Steve Sweeney — all have a path to the nomination depending on turnout. But the demographic of primary voters is a wildcard in what's expected to be a low-turnout, off-year primary. More than 460,000 people voted early, according to the Associated Press. The unusual possibility of most candidates having a real shot has led to record-breaking spending. A whopping $120 million has been poured into the race among candidates and independent expenditure groups — spending that is expected to ramp up in the general election. Polls close at 8 p.m. Eastern. Here are some of the dynamics at play in Tuesday's election. Tuesday's election is the first without the so-called county line, a layout that gave party-backed candidates a better spot on the ballot and all but guaranteed a primary win. It also gave county party bosses unusual sway over primaries. Candidates have argued the new format — office-block, the most common used across the country — gives contenders without the traditionally imperative support of party bosses a real chance. On the Democratic side, Sherrill and Sweeney have the most support from county parties — Sherrill primarily in North Jersey, the most populous and Democratic areas of the state, and Sweeney, the only candidate from South Jersey, in that region. For the Republicans, Ciattarelli was the only candidate to partake in every county nominating process. Many gubernatorial hopefuls used the death of the county line to make an argument against the party establishment. A handful of candidates shunned the endorsement processes, reasoning that their time was better spent with voters rather than appealing to the most tuned-in activists. There are still some advantages that come with having the endorsement from county parties, including get-out-the-vote efforts. Party-backed candidates were also awarded the party's slogan on the ballot, though it's unclear how persuasive that will be for voters, many of whom are not aware of what the party's slogan is. The outcome of the primary — if the victor is a candidate with significant establishment support or one who abandoned the process — will fuel the fight over the county line, which is expected to continue post-election. Republicans have raised the possibility of pushing to bring the line back. Separately, the federal judge overseeing the litigation that ended the county line system suggested the new ballot design may not pass constitutional muster. President Donald Trump, who had a closer-than-expected loss in New Jersey last year, has been a consistent presence in the primaries on both sides of the aisle. Ciattarelli and Spadea have long sparred over who is the most loyal to the president — a fight that has continued even after Trump endorsed Ciattarelli. In past elections, Ciattarelli was a Trump critic; he has since come around to support the president. Ciattarelli is the favorite in the primary, not just because of the Trump endorsement, but because of his high name ID from previous campaigns. But if Spadea pulls off an upset, that would be the second New Jersey election in a row in which the president backed the losing candidate, after he supported the runner-up in last year's Senate GOP primary. In the days leading up to this election, Trump doubled down on his support of only Ciattarelli. (The president has a history of endorsing multiple candidates in tight primaries.) He hosted a telerally for him, and over the weekend reupped his endorsement on Truth Social, writing that Ciattrelli's opponents 'are going around saying they have my Endorsement, which is not true, I don't even know who they are!' The Democratic primary has also centered on Trump, with each of the Democrats using him as a foil in their campaign messaging. It's a tactic that likely appeals to Democratic primary voters — but could be a harder sell to the broader general electorate, many of whom helped Trump make gains in the state last year. But Democratic National Committee Chair Ken Martin, who visited the state over the weekend, argued that 'there's a lot of buyer's remorse' when it comes to the president, which 'provides an opportunity to Democrats in this state to expand our coalition, bring people back into the fold who may have left us.' 'It's not only the right strategy, it's the right thing to stand up and fight back on what they're trying to do,' Martin said. 'I absolutely think we're going to continue to saddle [Ciattarelli] with the fact that he's best buddies with Donald Trump, and that doesn't help most hard-working New Jerseyans actually afford their lives.' Both sides acknowledge the November election will be competitive, even though New Jersey has typically been viewed as a blue state. Particularly on the Democratic side, the nominee will provide the latest insight into what voters hope the direction of the party will be. As the party out of power, Democrats nationally have struggled with how to get back on track ahead of the midterms. If Democrats nominate a more centrist Democrat, like Gottheimer or Sweeney, versus a progressive like Baraka or Fulop — and if that nominee is successful come November — that could be a sign of the path forward for the party. Some Republicans have argued that Baraka would be the easiest candidate to defeat in the general election, given how far to the left some of his policies are — a notion that Baraka has repeatedly pushed back on. Baraka fired up progressives and garnered national attention last month after he was arrested at an immigrant detention center in Newark, though it's unclear if that spotlight will translate to higher turnout for him at the ballot box. The electability argument is also underway in the Republican primary. State Sen. Jon Bramnick, a moderate Republican who has largely stayed out of the Ciattarelli-Spadea brawls, has asserted that he'd be the most competitive in a general election, given his success in Democratic-leaning districts. (Two other candidates, former Englewood Cliffs Mayor Mario Kranjac and contractor Justin Barbera are also running, though they remain longshots.) Ciattarelli, meanwhile, has claimed he would give a boost to down-ballot candidates — a point that Spadea has chided him for, considering he lost a gubernatorial campaign twice already. But Spadea, too, hasn't had the most successful electoral history. Spadea, who positions himself as a political outsider, has faltered running for office twice before, in Congress and the state Assembly, more than a decade ago. This election will show if the third time's the charm for Ciattarelli, a former state Assemblymember who also ran for governor in 2017 in addition to 2021. Last year was not a great year for repeat candidates on the congressional level, as many of them lost despite having the built-in advantages of having campaign infrastructure more or less in place from their previous runs. The entire state Assembly is up for grabs this year with competitive Democratic primaries across the state. Traditionally, candidates without party backing — or who only had it in a sliver of a legislative district — have faced long odds at winning primaries. But the fall of the county line is testing that conventional wisdom. Many of the state's most competitive Assembly races are fueled by Fulop, who has recruited Assembly candidates in around two dozen districts — many of them running against incumbents. The decision to run Assembly challengers plays into Fulop's anti-establishment message and also could boost him as they function as de facto surrogates for his candidacy. But he has also faced some criticism for the tactic, including accusations of acting like a party boss despite railing against them. And some of his chosen candidates have received negative headlines over the course of the primary. Tuesday will show if Fulop could provide some tailwinds for these candidates — or if he and his slate stumble up and down the ballot. But should the Fulop candidates be successful, it could shake up the dynamics of the Assembly's Democratic caucus, which is favored to maintain its 52-28 majority. Some Assembly races are a reflection of local power struggles. In the 33rd Legislative District, the Hudson County Democratic Organization and local power broker state Sen. Brian Stack is backing Assemblymember Gabriel Rodriguez and Larry Wainstein for Assembly against Frank Alonso and Tony Hector, who are allied with North Bergen Mayor Nick Sacco. Sacco and Stack have a long-running personal feud, and the Assembly race has become a proxy battle between the two. (Alonso and Hector are also allied with Fulop.) The neighboring 32nd Legislative District has a six-way Assembly primary. Assemblymember Jessica Ramirez and Jersey City Councilmember Yousef Saleh — backed by Fulop — are up against two party-backed candidates, municipal government employees Crystal Fonseca and Jennie Pu. Two other high-profile candidates, Hoboken Mayor Ravi Bhalla and Katie Brennan, a former Murphy administration official. Three slates of candidates are also competing in Bergen County's 37th Legislative District: Assemblymembers Shama Haider and Ellen Park, Fulop-backed attorney Tamar Warburg and Tenafly Councilmember Dan Park, and former Teaneck Deputy Mayor Yitz Stern and small business owner Rosemary Hernandez Carroll. The viable slates could make this a competitive primary. Republicans are not facing as many contested primaries. One in North Jersey features two-time unsuccessful congressional candidate Frank Pallotta running against two incumbent GOP Assemblymembers, Bob Auth and John Azzariti.


Politico
an hour ago
- Politico
GOP eyes cuts to Trump's tax promises
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HAPPY BIRTHDAY Former Rep. Lynn Jenkins … former Sen. John Edwards … James Rockas of ACLJ Action … Michael Daniels ... Edelman's Matthew Streit … BPI's David O'Brien … Thomas Showalter ... Al Mottur … Matt Jansen of Rep. Melanie Stansbury's office … former Louisiana Gov. Bobby Jindal … Kylie Bohman … Ben DeMarzo … J.D. Grom … Nicole Hager Fingerfoot TRIVIA MONDAY'S ANSWER: Jack McKeon correctly answered that John Trumbull painted the Declaration of Independence painting in the Rotunda and has four paintings total in the Rotunda. TODAY'S QUESTION, from Jack: Who was the first U.S. president to visit all 50 states while in office? The first person to correctly guess gets a mention in the next edition of Inside Congress. Send your answers to insidecongress@