
The North Korean missile that exposed defenceless Ukraine
Since that day on December 29 2023, Russian engineers have been attempting to modify and modernise the roughly 148 KN-23 and KN-24 projectiles Moscow received from Pyongyang.
Over a year later, on April 24 2025, the missile was responsible for its deadliest attack when a Russian-launched KN-23 slammed into a residential area in Kyiv's Sviatoshynskyi district, killing 12 civilians and injuring over 90 others.
In the wake of Thursday's attack, which exposed Kyiv's strained air defences, Ukrainian intelligence now believes the missiles have been fine-tuned to make them accurate to an area of tens of metres, as opposed to hundreds.
The KN-23 is based on the Russian Iskander-M missile, a weapon with a range of about 500 kilometres and a warhead of about 700 kilograms.
However, the North Korean versions are armed with more powerful warheads – up to one tonne, according to the Ukrainian intelligence agency.
Ballistic missiles can fly at hypersonic speeds above Mach-5, making them much harder to intercept by fighter jets or ground-based systems.
Seven such missiles, identified as either KN-23 or Iskander, were used in the deadly attack on Kyiv earlier this week.
Despite the lethality of the weapons, they would have usually provided Ukraine's armed forces with a series of routine interceptions using the US-supplied Patriot systems that guard the capital.
But stocks of the PAC interceptor missiles used by the surface-to-air batteries are dwindling dangerously low.
Serhii Kuzan, of the Ukrainian Security and Cooperation Centre and a former adviser to the ministry of defence, said: 'If Ukraine had more Patriot air defence systems, and most importantly, interceptor missiles, the consequences of Russian terrorist attacks would be much smaller.
'Currently, Ukrainian calculations have to choose targets for destruction, prioritising them.'
The interception radius of a ballistic missile, because of their speed, is between 20 and 25 kilometres, Yurii Ihnat, a spokesman for Ukraine's air force, said.
Ukraine currently operates around six full Patriot batteries, which is not enough to cover the entire country.
The US-made system is Kyiv's best response to the Russian threat of ballistic missiles.
Joe Biden, the former president, donated three of them, as has Germany.
The Netherlands has donated at least three launchers to help bolster the complete systems already in place.
Despite the donations, Volodymyr Zelensky, Ukraine's president, has estimated that they need at least 25 systems to cover all Ukrainian territory.
'We don't have as many Patriots as we need. The president speaks about this constantly,' Mr Ihnat said.
'We urgently need more Patriots, as well as other systems like Iris-T and Nasams that have proven themselves.'
But even those Patriots deployed in Ukraine are only as useful as the number of PAC interceptor rockets that remain in the country's stockpiles.
That quantity of missiles is incredibly low, according to Mr Ihnat, who did not comment on the exact number remaining for security reasons.
The estimated cost of each missile is between $2 million and $3 million, and volumes are thought to be low across the world, not just in Ukraine.
Only the US carries a significant arsenal and is capable of supplying Kyiv's needs.
But Donald Trump has not yet moved to transfer any of his forces' PAC missiles to Ukraine, as his predecessor, Mr Biden, did on numerous occasions.
It is unclear whether the final remaining packages of aid still flowing between Washington and Kyiv, as agreed and arranged by the previous administration, contain the interceptors.
Data collected by The Telegraph show that since Mr Trump took office, Ukraine's interception rate of Russian missile launches has shrunk dramatically.
In the summer of 2024, Ukraine intercepted about 60 per cent of all missiles. Last month, it only intercepted 42 per cent.
While this is not definitive evidence, it does go a long way to suggest Mr Trump's refusal to restart significant military aid to Kyiv, as he tries to broker a peace deal with Moscow, is having real-world impacts.
At one point in time, Mr Zelensky would ask his American counterpart for free donations of Patriot systems and the required interceptor rockets.
Now, the Ukrainian president has changed his approach, instead offering to buy at least 10 of those systems from the US, using money collected from other Western allies.
To satisfy the thirst for interceptors, Ukraine would also purchase the rights and production machinery to manufacture them itself.
'President Trump agreed to work with him to find what was available, particularly in Europe,' the White House said after a call with Mr Zelensky last month.
But ultimately, the American leader snubbed the opportunity to sell systems to Ukraine because it could upset his attempts to convince Vladimir Putin to negotiate a ceasefire and peace deal.
Just over a month later, Moscow's forces launched one of their largest aerial salvos of the war so far – 70 missiles and 150 drones on the night of April 24.
All Mr Trump could say was: 'Vladimir, STOP!'
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Spectator
2 hours ago
- Spectator
Putin's trap: how Russia plans to split the western alliance
Though you wouldn't know from the smiles around the table at the White House this week, a trap has been set by Vladimir Putin designed to split the United States from its European allies. In Washington on Monday, Europe's leaders, plus Sir Keir Starmer and Volodymyr Zelensky, agreed with Donald Trump that the killing in Ukraine should and can be ended as soon as possible. They lavished praise on Trump for reaching out to the Kremlin, despite having themselves treated Putin as a pariah for the past three years. And they even enthusiastically applauded the notion of security guarantees similar to Nato's Article Five 'all-for-one and one-for-all' mutual defence clause as a way to safeguard Ukraine's borders in the future. But behind every one of these apparently promising areas of agreement lurks a fatal misunderstanding of the intentions of the one man in the world who has the power to make the war stop – Putin. Let us not forget that the Washington talks were based on Trump and his team's highly optimistic interpretation of what Putin had agreed to in Anchorage, Alaska. That team included precisely zero Russia experts capable of reading the hidden meaning behind Putin's weasel words. Steve Witkoff, Trump's leading point man on Kremlin affairs, is a real estate lawyer with no experience of diplomacy. And the last time that Trump himself spoke in person to Putin, in Helsinki in 2018, he was quickly persuaded by his Russian counterpart that Kremlin election interference was all just a big hoax. One of Putin's great skills is appearing to be measured and constructive when in fact he's being insincere, intransigent or plain threatening. Take his innocuous-sounding remarks at the post-summit Anchorage press conference. In order to achieve a long-term settlement in Ukraine, Putin said: 'We need to eliminate all the primary root causes of the conflict.' Decoded, that is a clear reference to Putin's historical thesis that Ukraine is an invented country that has been used for centuries by Russia's enemies as a base from which to attack Moscow – and in his view remains so today. He called, apparently reasonably, for Trump to 'consider all the legitimate concerns of Russia and reinstate a just balance of security in Europe and in the world on the whole'. But to Putin that 'just balance' means a withdrawal of most Nato forces from countries along Russia's borders. The remark that has caused most excitement among European leaders was Putin's assurance that 'naturally we are prepared to work on' Trump's suggestion that 'the security of Ukraine should be secured'. Trump and his team came away from Anchorage in the belief that Putin had acquiesced to western security guarantees – and Secretary of State Marco Rubio and Witkoff himself have been touting that as a major breakthrough. In truth it's no such thing. Security guarantees were discussed at length during the abortive peace talks between Russia and Ukraine in Istanbul in April 2022, and detailed plans of what those guarantees might look like were included in three drafts of a peace deal that was never signed. Back then Russia, absurdly, tried to insist on itself being a guarantor of Ukraine's security as in the Budapest Memorandum of 1994, and on having a veto over any intervention. But that point was never resolved after Europe promised Ukraine it could win the war in the field rather than compromise at the negotiating table. Trump was caught on a hot mic in the White House telling his European guests: 'I think Putin wants to make a deal. You understand that? As crazy as it sounds!' In fact, it doesn't sound crazy at all – Putin undoubtedly does want to make a deal. But what Trump has not yet grasped is that Putin wants to make it on his own terms. And therein lies Putin's trap. His plan for the endgame in the war is to do everything in his power to convince Trump – his new best buddy and business partner – that he is behaving reasonably, making concessions, bending over backwards to keep dialogue open. At the same time, he will lay down a series of conditions that Zelensky will refuse to accept. At which point Europe will be forced to choose between heroic and principled words about refusing to compromise Ukraine's sovereignty – which would mean supporting Ukraine's war effort without US assistance – and an ignoble compromise with the Kremlin. Take the 'land swaps' which Trump has mentioned so many times. In reality, that's a reference to Putin's demand that Kyiv surrender control of the third of Donetsk and a small sliver of Luhansk provinces that he has so far failed to take. In exchange, Putin proposes to withdraw from small chunks of Sumy and Kharkiv provinces that he occupies, and also drop his claim on the remainder of Kherson and Zaporizhia. Effectively he's demanding some very valuable and heavily defended real estate – including the fortress cities of Kramatorsk, Sloviansk and Konstantinovka – in exchange for land that he has not yet been able to conquer. Amazingly, Trump has reportedly agreed that this is a reasonable price for Kyiv to pay for peace. Yet Zelensky cannot surrender this territory either politically or practically. Tens of thousands of Ukrainians have died defending those positions, and it's possible that his troops would refuse orders to withdraw even if he tried to make them. And Ukraine's ultranationalists would be literally up in arms over such a betrayal, making Ukraine instantly ungovernable. Putin has laid a similar political minefield for Zelensky and his European allies over legal recognition of the territories he has occupied. Again, Trump is reportedly in favour of forcing Kyiv to de jure recognise Crimea as Russian, while leaving the rest of occupied Ukraine in a legal limbo. Again, such a humiliation would be political death for any Ukrainian leader who made it and incur the armed wrath of legions of angry, heavily armed, well-organised and politically vocal veterans groups such as Azov. Putin has dozens more such humiliations in store for Kyiv and its backers before he is ready to end his assault on Ukraine. On the economic front, his wish list includes the lifting of sanctions, a resumption of flights and the unfreezing of billions of Central Bank assets. On the geopolitical front, he wants a constitutional guarantee that Ukraine will never join Nato and restrictions on weapons and troops Nato can deploy to border countries such as the Baltic states, Romania and Poland, as well as an assurance of no more Nato eastward expansion to Moldova and Georgia. In Ukraine, he would demand the enshrinement of Russian as an official language, granting Russian-speaking regions the right to their own education and examinations, and the restoration of the properties of the wing of the Ukrainian Orthodox Church which remains loyal to the Moscow Patriarchate. He would also insist on scrapping Ukrainian laws banning Soviet symbols and suppressing the memory of Soviet-era war heroes and cultural figures, in addition to allowing towns to restore demolished monuments to Russian tsars and writers. Putin would have Kyiv un-ban Russian-language radio and TV stations and newspapers, as well as political parties sympathetic to Moscow, and unfreeze the assets of the 5,000 people sanctioned for being pro-Russian by Ukrainian presidential decree. That's to mention just the top dozen of Putin's demands. Some he will get, some he won't. But we can be sure that he will push for all of them, and more. The question for Europe is stark: what will they do if and when Ukraine refuses to submit? If Trump is fine about surrendering the remainder of Donbas, we can be sure that he's not likely to take a stand against Putin over such details as statues of Pushkin or the rights of the suppressed Russian Church (a major grievance for religious-minded MAGA supporters). J.D. Vance, the US Vice-President, has made his position on Europe clear. 'This is your neck of the woods… you guys have got to step up and take a bigger role in this thing,' he said earlier this month. 'If you care so much about this conflict you should be willing to [fund] this war yourself.' The US, for its part, 'wants to bring about a peaceful settlement to this thing, we want to stop the killing', he added. Trump has repeatedly promised to do his best to play the peacemaker. But if the Ukrainians and their allies don't wish to agree, Washington will walk away. 'Keep fighting,' wrote Trump last week. 'Good luck.' The brutal truth is that for the past three years the Europeans have been lying to Ukraine and themselves. In the spring of 2022, Europe, led by Boris Johnson, encouraged Zelensky to fight on and promised Ukraine 'as much support as they need for as long as they need it'. Ukraine kept its part of the bargain, and with the help of hundreds of billions in military and financial aid pushed Putin's far larger army back from over half of the territory it once occupied. That's an extraordinary achievement. But it hasn't been enough to win. And by this point many of Kyiv's most passionate defenders in Europe are starting to acknowledge that there is little military or political point in fighting on. Others, like the Baltic nations, disagree. For those allies who believe that it's time to call it a day, the main point that remains to be decided is how Ukraine's reduced new borders can be protected in a way that Putin will not dare to challenge. Starmer and Emmanuel Macron's idea of putting Nato boots on the ground is foolish and misunderstands that the basis of Putin's paranoid logic in starting the war was to avoid precisely that outcome. The 'Nato Article Five-like' security guarantees of which Italy's Giorgia Meloni spoke in Washington this week (albeit accompanied by extravagant air quotes) sound formidable. The problem is that security guarantees have to be credible to work. And will Putin believe that Starmer or Macron will send their voters' sons to fight over Donbas, when they have already said that their proposed minuscule peacekeeping force will be 'backstopped' by US air power? Of more practical use is a proposal to create a network of air defences made of Patriot batteries and drones along the length of Ukraine's border, funded by Europe. That's what Ukraine's reported offer to buy $100 billion in US weaponry is about, and includes a staggering $50 billion to develop new-generation drones in partnership with the world's biggest experts in Ukraine itself. Ben Wallace, the former UK defence secretary, has called Trump the 'appeaser-in-chief' and warned that the peace process could be 'another Munich 1938', when independent Czechoslovakia was sacrificed to Hitlerite aggression. But that is a bad analogy. At Munich, Sir Neville Chamberlain failed to avert war. Today's Ukraine, with western help, has failed to win a war. But neither have they lost. Instead, like Finland in 1941, they have heroically fought a much stronger adversary to a halt and saved 80 per cent of their country and now face a bloody, attritional stalemate. Putin would like nothing more than for Europe to encourage Ukraine to fight on, and to lose even more of their land and independence. The question Ukraine's friends must ask themselves today is whether it's time to choose an unjust peace over a righteous but never-ending war.


Spectator
2 hours ago
- Spectator
Trump has given Zelensky cause for hope
On Volodymyr Zelensky's last visit to the White House, he brought a gift: a championship belt from one of Ukraine's boxing legends. But talks collapsed before the gift-giving stage. This time, he brought a golf club from a wounded soldier and a letter from Olena Zelenska, Ukraine's first lady, to Melania Trump. Donald Trump not only accepted them but reciprocated with symbolic 'keys to the White House'. The exchange signalled that Trump, who once slammed the door on Ukraine, is now willing to listen, if the approach is right. Just six months ago, Trump was ruling out any American role in guaranteeing peace in Ukraine. This week, such guarantees are at the centre of negotiations in Washington. Zelensky has offered to buy a $90 billion package of US weapons, funded by Europe, in exchange for a postwar security commitment from America. Trump has not hardened his stance on Russia, but he has grasped the leverage Ukraine offers him as mediator, dealmaker and eventual guarantor. For Zelensky, the challenge ahead will be converting this new openness into something lasting before Trump changes his mind. In last week's Alaska summit between Russia and the US, Vladimir Putin secured the most important concession from Trump: the chance to negotiate without a ceasefire. Russian bomber jets attacked the Ukrainian city of Kremenchuk as soon as Zelensky left the White House. Putin has been stalling the negotiations since March to give his troops time to advance on the battlefield. In Alaska, word is that Putin offered to stop the killing in return for the Donbas and the recognition of Crimea as Russian, among other demands. But Zelensky has no legal power to redraw Ukraine's borders, even if he were minded to. This is why it's hard to see any peace treaty materialising when, in a few weeks, he and Putin meet for the first time since the 2022 invasion. Moscow and Kyiv remain miles apart on most issues and Putin's strategy is to put forward conditions that he knows Ukraine can't accept. The mood in Ukraine is still combustible. According to recent polling, almost 70 per cent support a negotiated end to the war as soon as possible: a big shift from three years ago, when 73 per cent wanted to fight until victory. But the majority are still firmly against ceding territories to Russia. Under Ukraine's constitution, any deal that cedes land would need approval in a referendum. Polls show there is little to no chance of that happening – although it's possible to see Ukrainians accepting a frozen conflict along the current front line. But withdrawing troops from the 2,500 square miles of the Donetsk region that are still under Ukrainian control (as Putin demands) is a non-starter. It would not just condemn hundreds of thousands of Ukrainians to Moscow's occupation but also give Putin the 'fortress belt', the 30-mile defensive line comprising four cities and fortifications that he has failed to breach since 2014. Iryna Gerashchenko, an opposition MP and co-chair of European Solidarity, the second largest party in the Ukrainian parliament, called on Zelensky not to reward Russian aggression. 'Any concessions to the aggressor only open the way to a new war,' she said. She participated in the 2015 Minsk negotiations, when Ukraine managed to secure a Russian signature beneath the promise to respect all Ukrainian borders, despite de facto occupation at the time. She warned Zelensky not to settle for anything less. 'It is obvious that any agreements in Washington are shattered by Kremlin realities, because Putin is not going to change his plans to completely absorb Ukraine, to destroy Ukrainian identity and statehood,' she said. The belief that a peace deal without proper security means another war runs deep in Ukraine. In my trips to the front line, every soldier I spoke to was convinced of one thing: after this war, there will be another. Russia's ultimate goal is to erase Ukrainian sovereignty. 'The Russian war machine is not in a state to stop. It will keep rolling. It is too big,' Vitaliy Lytvyn, the commander of the artillery division in the National Guard, told me in Pokrovsk a few months ago. After Alaska, Trump said he had decided to go straight to a final deal rather than a ceasefire. It's hard to see how long that will take. 'President Trump has brokered on average about one peace deal or ceasefire per month during his six months in office,' said Karoline Leavitt, the White House press secretary, last month. Whatever the accuracy of her claim, it speaks to his self-image of a peacemaker. If he is to broker a peace deal now, he will need to secure binding, enforceable guarantees that stop Putin from regrouping and returning for the third time. There is more hope than ever before that this is understood in Trump's White House. And that, for Zelensky, is progress.


Daily Mirror
4 hours ago
- Daily Mirror
Vladimir Putin 'consulted shamans' on launching nukes that could start WW3
Russian president Vladimir Putin reportedly sought guidance from shamans on the potential use of nuclear weapons in Mongolia in early September, according to sources Vladimir Putin, the Russian president, reportedly sought spiritual advice from Mongolian shaman s regarding the potential use of nuclear weapons, according to sources within Russia. The leader is known for his "special attitude to mysticism", with whispers in 2018 suggesting he bathed in the blood of a Siberian red deer to enhance his virility. However, during his trip to Mongolia in early September this year, it's alleged that Putin took his mystical beliefs up a notch, as reported by the Daily Star. The news comes as NATO scrambled war planes for second day following devastating attack on Ukraine. Mikhail Zygar, founder of the banned opposition channel TV Dozhd, hinted that Putin has a strong interest in "pagan traditions." "Mongolia and Tuva are considered the home of the most powerful shamans in the world. Vladimir Putin has long been known for his special attitude towards mysticism. "And he apparently combines his interest in Orthodox mysticism with pagan traditions.", reports the Express US. Despite being a member of the International Criminal Court, which issued an arrest warrant for Putin last year following his deportation of Ukrainian children, Mongolia did not detain Putin during his visit. Zygar suggested that Putin was willing to risk arrest to consult the spirits, citing Mongolia's heavy dependence on Russia as a reason for their lack of action. The Kremlin has rubbished recent claims made by an opposition figure, declaring: "The mentioned circumstances related to the Russian President's visit to Mongolia in September 2024 have no connection to reality." This isn't Putin's first venture into mysticism - he allegedly consulted spiritual advisers before his 2012 invasion of Ukraine. In a report last year, Russian state media alleged that the nation's "supreme shaman" Kara-ool Dopchun-ool had called upon 'the sun, the moon and the stars' to shield Kremlin forces in Ukraine, all at Putin's request.