
'Don't laugh but Kemi Badenoch could well be next Prime Minister'
Mr Farage's Reform UK party has topped nine of the last 13 opinion polls, with the other four resulting in a tie with Labour.
And in a 'real' poll of voters last Thursday, the party emerged with by far the highest vote share which, extrapolated into Westminster, would have resulted in Reform winning almost as many seats in the House of Commons as Labour and the Tories combined.
We have seen a similar trend in other countries around the world. A population, despondent about the impact the cost of living is having on their lives and disillusioned with their mainstream political offering, looks for an alternative. The alternative emerges, usually in the form of a strong and outspoken figure, speaking their language and offering some hope for them.
That hope is generally based on the abolition of three things: net zero (it makes you cold and poor), immigration (they're taking your jobs), and wokery (what a lot of nonsense).
The formula has had success already, most obviously in the United States with the re-election of Donald Trump, and perhaps second most famously in Italy with the election of Giorgia Meloni, who has taken her Fratelli d'Italia party from two per cent of the vote to the Palazzo Chigi in less than a decade.
Mr Farage would probably liken his rise more to that of the namesake Reform Party of Canada which, in the space of 16 years between 1987 and 2003, eroded the vote of the Progressive Conservatives, killed them, ate them, and created a new Conservative party which went on to win three elections.
So, we have seen it happen elsewhere, and we could see it happen here.
Read more by Andy Maciver
First Past the Post is the blunt instrument of electoral systems. A party can go from an insignificant number of seats (Mr Farage won only five last year despite winning nearly 15 per cent of the vote) to hundreds (Sir Keir Starmer's Labour won over 400 on only one-third of the vote share) once a tipping-point of vote share is achieved.
Furthermore, should Reform UK, Labour, and the Tories all win between 150 and 200 seats in 2029, but with Mr Farage in first place, the pressure on the Conservatives to get behind a party whose values many Tories share, and help them into government, will be overwhelming.
So, that is a version of the future.
It is credible.
It is possible.
But it is not inevitable.
Indeed, there are two counterfactuals which have at least reasonable credibility. The first, and perhaps most obvious, is the re-emergence of support for the Labour party.
Sir Keir has made a dismal start to his time in office, with an unprecedented drop in support to somewhere in the mid-20 per cent range, where it has been stuck for around six months.
Nonetheless, Sir Keir has time on his side. Labour's vote share, although low, seems stable, and may have hit its floor.
Nigel Farage (Image: PA)
As time passes and memories of some of the more unpopular decisions fade, Sir Keir's undoubted competence and authority may start to raise the red boat.
Indeed, the looming reality of Mr Farage may convince some more voters from the centre of the Conservative party, and the Liberal Democrats, to back Sir Keir to stop him.
Mr Farage's party, of course, may yet implode. We have been told of the end of two-party politics before, often by Mr Farage himself, only for his UKIP party, or his Brexit party, to fall out with itself and, for one reason or another, not fulfil its potential.
There are already internal problems in the Reform UK party and, with hundreds of new local councillors, Mr Farage will be concerned about how many skeletons are hidden in closets, waiting to get out and damage his prospects.
Circumstances sometimes call for the clever, boring centrist.
Just ask Pierre Poilievre, who was due to stroll into 24 Sussex Drive, the residence of the Prime Minister of Canada, before the population rushed towards the safe and dependable arms of Mark Carney in the face of President Trump's intimidation.
So, Labour again?
Maybe.
But there is a second counterfactual, less obvious at the moment, but nonetheless something which will no doubt sit at the back of the mind of Kemi Badenoch, the Tory leader.
Support for Ms Badenoch's Tories has certainly not risen since she took the leadership in the wake of her party being gutted at the election, but it has not fallen, either.
It is stable enough, and in most polls sits only a few percentage points behind Labour and Reform UK.
Read more
This is as much about mathematics as it is about politics, and looking dispassionately at the numbers, the path to Downing Street for Ms Badenoch has far fewer twists, turns, and potholes than at first may seem the case.
In reality, only two things need to happen, both of which are perfectly possible.
The first is that the Conservatives have to win more seats than Reform UK. Not inevitable, but absolutely possible.
The second is that, between them, the Conservatives and Reform UK need a Parliamentary majority of 326 seats.
Again not inevitable, and the Tories would need to add some 50 seats to their current tally, but absolutely possible.
The confluence of these two events would most likely end up in Kemi Badenoch becoming Prime Minister.
There is a perfectly reasonable point to be made, in that event, that she would be a puppet to Mr Farage the puppet-master; in office but not in power. That may be true, but it is a different argument for a different day. Politics is historically volatile.
Brexit.
The 2019 election.
President Trump's re-election.
How many times have we been told something is impossible before it becomes reality? It may be too early to be sure that Mr Farage and Reform UK are here to stay until 2019. It may be too early to write off Sir Keir. By the same logic, then, it is far too early to write off Kemi Badenoch.
Andy Maciver is Founding Director of Message Matters, and co-host of the Holyrood Sources podcast.

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Glasgow Times
23 minutes ago
- Glasgow Times
Zia Yusuf returns to Reform UK just 48 hours after quitting as chairman
The 38-year-old businessman said his decision to stand down had been the result of 'exhaustion' and working for 11 months 'without a day off'. Party leader Nigel Farage, speaking to the Sunday Times newspaper alongside Mr Yusuf, said the former chairman will now effectively be doing 'four jobs', though his title has not yet been decided. Mr Yusuf's new formal title is yet to be decided (Stefan Rousseau/PA) He will lead Reform's plans to cut public spending – the so-called 'UK Doge', based on the US Department of Government Efficiency which was led by tech billionaire Elon Musk. The ex-chairman will also take part in policymaking, fundraising and media appearances. Mr Yusuf said he was quitting Reform following the latest in a series of internal rows, in which he described a question to the Prime Minister concerning a ban on burkas from his party's newest MP as 'dumb'. Announcing his resignation on Thursday afternoon, he said: 'I no longer believe working to get a Reform government elected is a good use of my time, and hereby resign the office.' Mr Yusuf said he had been left feeling undervalued by some in the party and drained after being subjected to relentless racist abuse on X, and made the comments in 'error'. 'I spoke to Nigel and said I don't mind saying I made an error. It was a function of exhaustion,' he said. Asked about the row over talk of banning the burka, Mr Yusuf said he 'certainly did not resign because I have any strong views about the burqa itself' but felt blindsided by Sarah Pochin's question to Sir Keir Starmer. He said that 'if there were a vote and I was in parliament, I would probably vote to ban it actually' but that 'philosophically I am always a bit uneasy about banning things which, for example, would be unconstitutional in the United States, which such a ban no doubt would be'. Reform will hope the show of unity between Mr Farage and the former chairman is enough to quell concerns about internal personality clashes, amid recent scrutiny of the leader's fallings out with former allies. It follows the suspension of MP Rupert Lowe from the party following complaints about his conduct, which he denied, and suggested the leader had a tendency to row with colleagues he felt threatened by. Labour branded Mr Yusuf's return a 'humiliating hokey-cokey' and said working people could not afford 'the risk of economic chaos with Reform UK'. Party chairwoman Ellie Reeves said: 'Reform's revolving door shows that the party is all about one person – Nigel Farage. 'Zia Yusuf's humiliating hokey-cokey is laughable but there is nothing funny about Farage's £80 billion in unfunded commitments. 'His reckless plan is Liz Truss's disastrous mini-budget on steroids and would spark economic chaos that increases bills and mortgages. 'Working people simply can't afford the risk of economic chaos with Reform UK.'


Telegraph
28 minutes ago
- Telegraph
Has Nigel finally shown he can actually be a team player?
Court intrigue always makes good copy, and for that reason we journalists should be sure to add to any speculation about Zia Yusuf's dramatic yo-yoing in and out of Reform UK this week an important qualifier: his proffered explanation, that it was a misjudgement due to 'exhaustion', is perfectly plausible. Politics can be a gruelling business at the best of times, especially when trying to bootstrap a new party into a national force – not to mention a culture shock for people more used to the world of business. Yet if speculation was rife about Yusuf's spectacular (if short-lived) departure, it was in large part because Nigel Farage has in his long career in politics proven time and again that for all his strengths as a campaigner, he has a critical weakness: an apparently chronic inability to work with others and build institutions that last. No potential leadership rival lasts long. In 2015, he recommended Suzanne Evans as his replacement as leader of Ukip – only for the party to end up 'rejecting his resignation', leaving his rival's wings well and truly clipped. A year later, Diane James had the privilege of being Farage's successor for less than three weeks before he was back once again as interim leader (although he did then step back for good). Most recently, we have seen Reform UK struggle to coordinate even a small number of MPs, most obviously with the expulsion of Rupert Lowe (single-handedly responsible for almost half the recorded parliamentary work of Reform's entire caucus). But before that, Farage almost wrecked his party's alliance with the Northern Irish TUV by endorsing his old friend, the DUP's Ian Paisley Jr, against TUV leader Jim Allister – despite Allister having the Reform logo all over his leaflets. Awkwardly, Allister went on to win North Antrim. Things were eventually smoothed over, but the deal had to be renegotiated, and the cost of that may have been huge: had the Commons authorities accepted Allister as counting as a Reform candidate at the election, the party would have had six MPs – the magic number needed to unlock hundreds of thousands of pounds more in public funding each and every year. The history of the Faragist parties tells the same story. If Yusuf has his work cut out building a national campaigning force from scratch, part of the reason is that Farage allowed decades of effort to fall by the wayside when he abandoned Ukip. At the 2015 election, Ukip came second in a hundred seats; it had also started to make a breakthrough in local councils, albeit with many of the same teething problems now facing Reform. It even won seven seats in the Welsh Assembly in 2016. Farage's ability to snap his fingers and call a new party out of the earth, as he did with the Brexit Party, is undoubtedly impressive. But it reset the clock on all that organisational effort. In Europe, Right-wing parties successfully challenging the status quo tend to have a decade of work behind them: Spain's Vox and Germany's AfD were both founded in 2013; Giorgia Meloni's Fratelli d'Italia in 2012. Patching things up with Yusuf removes one big question mark about the long-term viability of Reform UK. But only one. Back-room organisation is necessary but not sufficient for sustained success, and Farage has yet to prove he can work with other politicians, especially ones of the calibre to succeed him one day. Until he does, Reform will remain a one-man band – and it's hard to build the party of the future around a man in his sixties who has already, more than once, tried to leave politics behind.


South Wales Guardian
30 minutes ago
- South Wales Guardian
Zia Yusuf returns to Reform UK just 48 hours after quitting as chairman
The 38-year-old businessman said his decision to stand down had been the result of 'exhaustion' and working for 11 months 'without a day off'. Party leader Nigel Farage, speaking to the Sunday Times newspaper alongside Mr Yusuf, said the former chairman will now effectively be doing 'four jobs', though his title has not yet been decided. He will lead Reform's plans to cut public spending – the so-called 'UK Doge', based on the US Department of Government Efficiency which was led by tech billionaire Elon Musk. The ex-chairman will also take part in policymaking, fundraising and media appearances. Mr Yusuf said he was quitting Reform following the latest in a series of internal rows, in which he described a question to the Prime Minister concerning a ban on burkas from his party's newest MP as 'dumb'. Announcing his resignation on Thursday afternoon, he said: 'I no longer believe working to get a Reform government elected is a good use of my time, and hereby resign the office.' Mr Yusuf said he had been left feeling undervalued by some in the party and drained after being subjected to relentless racist abuse on X, and made the comments in 'error'. 'I spoke to Nigel and said I don't mind saying I made an error. It was a function of exhaustion,' he said. Asked about the row over talk of banning the burka, Mr Yusuf said he 'certainly did not resign because I have any strong views about the burqa itself' but felt blindsided by Sarah Pochin's question to Sir Keir Starmer. He said that 'if there were a vote and I was in parliament, I would probably vote to ban it actually' but that 'philosophically I am always a bit uneasy about banning things which, for example, would be unconstitutional in the United States, which such a ban no doubt would be'. Reform will hope the show of unity between Mr Farage and the former chairman is enough to quell concerns about internal personality clashes, amid recent scrutiny of the leader's fallings out with former allies. It follows the suspension of MP Rupert Lowe from the party following complaints about his conduct, which he denied, and suggested the leader had a tendency to row with colleagues he felt threatened by. Labour branded Mr Yusuf's return a 'humiliating hokey-cokey' and said working people could not afford 'the risk of economic chaos with Reform UK'. Party chairwoman Ellie Reeves said: 'Reform's revolving door shows that the party is all about one person – Nigel Farage. 'Zia Yusuf's humiliating hokey-cokey is laughable but there is nothing funny about Farage's £80 billion in unfunded commitments. 'His reckless plan is Liz Truss's disastrous mini-budget on steroids and would spark economic chaos that increases bills and mortgages. 'Working people simply can't afford the risk of economic chaos with Reform UK.'