
Football fans chanting against Keir Starmer should be a wake-up call for Labour
The sound of England football fans chanting against Keir Starmer at Saturday night's otherwise tedious match between England and Andorra is something which should be greatly worrying Labour strategists.
It is very rare that politicians become the subject of chants at matches and when politics enters the discourse of sports fans it is almost always a sign of a wider problem.
Science and technology secretary Peter Kyle 's suggestion that it is just 'football chanting, part of the spirit of the game' does not really cut it as an answer.
A not-so-distant example of a backlash from fans sitting in a stadium was an early sign of a promising career on the way down.
Back in 2012 at the Paralympic games in London George Osborne was roundly booed in the Olympic Stadium as he was about to present medals to the winners of an event.
At that point two years into the coalition government, after he had imposed harsh austerity measures to rebalance the UK finances after the banking collapse, Osborne had become a figure of hate. At the time you could see on his face how soul destroying the experience was.
He would later admit to feeling 'hurt' by what happened but said it changed him as a chancellor but notably he never fulfilled his ambition of becoming prime minister.
Not many politicians end up in chants. You have to go back to former Tory culture secretary David Mellor in the 1990s, a passionate Chelsea fan where the club's supporter adapted their song 'Carefree' after he was caught up in allegations about an affair.
Politicians know the cultural importance of sport. You will rarely find an MP who does not want to associate themselves with their local football team.
Infamously, Tony Blair, who amazingly never became the subject of disobliging chants, once got into trouble for claiming he watched Newcastle United when the late great Jackie Milburn was playing, even though the player retired when the former PM was four and living in Australia.
At the height of New Labour and 'Cool Britannia', Blair was doing keepy-uppy with Kevin Keegan.
Sir Keir also knows the power of football. That chant may hurt him more because he is a genuinely passionate football fan for his beloved Arsenal and England.
He revelled in England qualifying for the final of the Euros on the day of his first visit to the White House and was there for the final in Germany as a guest of the then chancellor Olaf Scholz.
The old saying of the great Liverpool fan Bill Shankly never goes out of date: 'Some people think football is a matter of life and death. I don't like that attitude. It's more serious than that.'
And the reaction to the horrendous events at the recent Liverpool trophy parade or the ongoing repercussions of the Hillsborough disaster, where 97 Liverpool fans lost their lives in 1989, only serve to emphasise that.
In recent politics, pro-Palestinian demonstrations from large groups of fans at matches of Celtic and others has had political significance. An Oxford academic Maher Mezahi has done a whole thesis on how football chants as protests affected recent politics in Algeria.
For Sir Keir not yet a year in power to already have seeped into the consciousness of football chants as a figure of hate represents a much wider problem.
During the Runcorn by-election and local elections, Labour MPs and activists recounted the sheer very personal hostility for the prime minister when they knocked on the doors of voters.
'I don't think he can turn that level of hostility around,' one senior figure claimed.
There was similar dislike for chancellor Rachel Reeves and deputy prime minister Angela Rayner, favourite to replace him if he is forced out, was 'not far behind' in attracting the ire of voters.
Labour were celebrating a surprise win in Hamilton for the Scottish Parliament last week but it was noticeable that Sir Keir was not the reason for that victory.
In fact, just three days before voting he was literally 22 minutes drive from the constituency launching the strategic defence review in Glasgow. But nobody wanted him to pop down the M74 to support his party's candidate Davy Russell.
In person, Sir Keir is easy get on with. But his public image is dreadful.
The reality is that the hard choices on welfare, winter fuel payments, a personality that comes over as robotic, the issue of freebies (including an executive box at Arsenal games), and nicknames such as 'two tier Kier' have all stuck.
If football fans are chanting that the prime minister is a 'c***' after just 11 months in government with the party languishing eight points behind Nigel Farage's Reform UK, then another four years of this should fill Labour strategists and MPs with trepidation.
Ironically, the prime minister most likely to understand this in the last 40 years is Sir Keir. Football is one of his first loves. When he entered Downing Street, so reports go, civil servants were shocked to find his diary contained fixtures for Arsenal games. He is the senior politician in modern times who has spent the most time standing on the terraces listening to football fans. While he may understand the danger posed by Saturday night's chants, whether he can turn things around remains to be seen.
Hashtags

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles


Daily Mail
an hour ago
- Daily Mail
Fears of tent cities as rough sleeping is decriminalised in end to 200-year-old law
Tent cities could pop up across the UK as rough sleeping is decriminalised, critics of the policy say. Ministers have announced plans to repeal the Vagrancy Act by next spring, meaning it will no longer be an offence to sleep on pavements. But there are fears scrapping the 200-year-old law despite rising numbers of the homeless will mean more people camping on the streets. Announcing the changes, Angela Rayner said she was 'drawing a line under nearly two centuries of injustice towards some of the most vulnerable in society'. The Housing Secretary pledged to increase funding for homelessness services with an extra £233million this financial year to provide alternatives to rough sleeping. She said: 'No one should ever be criminalised simply for sleeping rough and by scrapping this cruel and outdated law, we are making sure that can never happen again.' Introduced in 1824 to tackle a homelessness crisis after the Industrial Revolution, the law was designed to punish 'idle and disorderly persons, and rogues and vagabonds'. Most parts of the act have been repealed but some remain in force in England and Wales to enable police to move on rough sleepers rather than prosecute them. Homeless charities called the move a 'landmark moment' they had long called for. However, there were concerns that the move could lead to more people sleeping on streets and the creation of 'tent cities'. The charity Shelter estimates there are 326,000 people, including 161,500 children, in England who are homeless, a 14 per cent increase on the previous year. This has caused camps to pop up in several cities, including on Park Lane in central London. Figures published in April showed the total number sleeping rough in the capital – those who spend at least one night on the streets – was 4,427 for the three months to March 2025, which was a near 8 per cent increase from 4,118 for the same quarter last year. The numbers classed as living on the streets had risen by 38 per cent year-on-year to 706 from 511. The Government said 'targeted measures will ensure police have the powers they need to keep communities safe – filling the gap left over by removing previous powers'. These will be new offences of facilitating begging for gain and trespassing with the intention of committing a crime and will be brought in through amendments to the Crime and Policing Bill. Ministers said this will ensure organised begging – often by criminal gangs – remains an offence, meaning it is unlawful for anyone to organise others to beg. Ms Rayner's department said spending on homeless services would hit nearly £1billion this financial year. Kevin Hollinrake, Tory communities spokesman, said: 'Labour's approach will result in a pavement free-for-all in our towns and cities. They just don't understand or care how this affects law-abiding local residents and the impact it has on their pride of place.' Chris Philp, the Tory home affairs spokesman, told the Telegraph: 'This move risks turning British cities into a version of San Francisco, which has become overrun by encampments of homeless people.


Spectator
an hour ago
- Spectator
The titans who shaped Test cricket
Cricket histories are a dangerous genre both for writers and readers. They can be incredibly boring, the dullest of all probably being John Major's weighty tome, which said everything you knew it would say as drearily as you feared. So Tim Wigmore, a young shaver who writes on cricket for the Daily Telegraph, has entered hazardous territory. Speaking as a proud cricket badger, who even has a book by Merv Hughes on his shelf (Dear Merv, 2001), I will admit that I have read rather too many cricket histories, and I swore that it would be a cold day in hell (or possibly at the county ground in Derby) before I would willingly start another. But Wigmore has written a splendid, comprehensive book full of good stories and droll asides. It dips a little in the middle when Shoaib Mohammad starts batting, and keeps on batting, but what book of 578 pages does not? (Shoaib, who retired in 1995, is still batting in his dreams and my nightmares, and has just played an immaculate forward defensive down to silly mid-off.) In fact Test Cricket is as sparkling and entertaining as any book this long has a right to be. Wigmore has taken as his subject the pinnacle of the game, possibly the pinnacle of any game in the world, the Test match – played over (once) three and (now) five days between no more than a dozen nations (or collections of nations) whose first-class structures justify their hallowed status. So there are no Test matches between Brazil and Argentina – nor are there likely to be until there are first-class stadiums in both countries where regional teams play two-innings matches in whites, with lunch at 1 p.m. and tea at 3.40 p.m. Pork pies would need to be sold locally and everyone would run indoors at the merest sniff of rain or bad light. No, this book starts off with the old rivalry between England and Australia in the 1870s; adds South Africa a quarter of a century later; and then the West Indies and New Zealand on the same day in the 1930s. England fielded two separate XIs against these two teams for their first Tests – an experiment they have never been strong enough to repeat. (Australia often put out two teams in one-day internationals in the 1980s and 1990s, both of which would then beat England, which wasn't that hard at the time.) Wigmore supplies a clean and focused narrative structure. 'Within the space constraints,' he writes, 'I have been led by a sense of Test cricket's overarching story, paying particular attention to players who helped shape the game.' This means a lot of pages are devoted to people such as Abdul Kardar and Tiger Pataudi, while 'titans in less successful or declining sides', like Graham Gooch and Shivarine Chanderpaul, get far fewer. I have no trouble with any of this, although the lack of mention of my own favourite cricketer, Derek Randall, who scored an epic 174 in the centenary Test match in 1977, is obviously shameful. Wigmore has an eye for the telling detail. In a passage on the Australian batsman Victor Trumper, inspired by the photograph of him leaping out of his crease to drill a half-volley back over the bowler's head, we hear that in 1902 Trumper became the first batsman to score a century before lunch on the first morning of a Test match. This was something only five batsmen from any country have done since. I also didn't know that Trumper was the first man to popularise wearing the same national cap at every Test. 'The lore of the baggy green cap, then, is also the lore of Trumper.' Between 1895 and 1904, Kumar Shri Ranjitsinhji scored 21,576 first-class runs at an average of 60.94. Then he became the Maharajah Jam Sahib of Nawanagar and had to stop batting for Sussex and England. In 1929, Ranji's nephew Duleepsinhji took part in one Test against South Africa, the only occasion in that country's first 172 Tests, until their readmittance to Test cricket in 1992, that they played against someone who didn't have white skin. South Africa, and their supporters in the MCC, don't come out too well from this book. When an Australian Services XI played the first of five matches against an England XI at Lord's in 1945 tickets cost a flat one shilling (five new pence) anywhere in the ground. That's as opposed to the £160 a friend of mine paid recently for one of this summer's Tests. At less than a fifth of the cost, this book represents a serious bargain. It's not quite as good as seeing Joe Root score 100 in the flesh, but it's not far off.


Spectator
an hour ago
- Spectator
How can ‘sanction' mean two opposing things?
Sir Keir Starmer said 'he could 'not imagine' the circumstances in which he would sanction a new referendum' on Scottish independence, the Times reported the other day. The Mirror said Amazon 'has agreed to sanction businesses that boost their star ratings with bogus reviews'. So we find sanction being used with completely opposite meanings: 'give permission' and 'enact a penalty to enforce obedience to a law'. The latter sense was extended after the first world war to cover economic or military action against a state as a coercive measure. That is the use we daily find applied to action, or the lack of it, against Russia. The diverging meanings both go back to the Latin noun sanctio, deriving from the verb sancire 'to render sacred', hence 'inviolable'. Such a sanctio came to mean a decree, as in that obscure beast of history, the pragmatic sanction, which looks neither pragmatic or like a sanction. The phrase had a good run for its money, though, labelling a decree attributed to St Louis of France against the Papacy in 1268 and a decree by Charles III of Spain in 1759, granting the crown of the Two Sicilies to his son. I would describe as an anxiety dream the thought of having to write about either. Here, pragmatic meant 'to do with affairs of state', a development of the ancient Greek word that, via Latin, also gives us practical. In English pragmatic acquired the meaning 'practical' only in the mid 19th century, allowing the Americans C.S. Peirce and William James to harness pragmatism to describe a kind of philosophy. As for sanction, it is now also deployed to label the removal or reduction of social benefits. In February this year, 5.5 per cent of claimants were being sanctioned. There is, too, the architect of Dublin's Heuston station (often misprinted as Euston station): Sancton Wood (often misprinted as Sanction Wood).