
Families unite at site of massacre in Western Australia: ‘Something spoke through me'
The trees have a voice here. A gentle whispering of the needle-like pins of the casuarina pines as they rustle in the winds. Some say if you walk by the banks of the Greenough River you might see the eyes of spirits glowing among the dense trees and shrubs.
We're on Naaguja country, about a 30-minute drive south from Geraldton, a coastal city in Western Australia. This spot is known by the traditional owners as Bootenal (pelican) Springs – and the namesake birds glide across the languid surface of the river.
Despite the idyllic surroundings, no one wants to be here when the fading light turns black.
A Naaguja man, Derek Councillor, speaks softly behind a thick grey beard. He drives along a bumpy dirt track, towards a closed-off field, his white Toyota four-wheel drive stained with the red dust of the surrounding hills. His granddaughter Kehlani sits in the front seat, her long brown hair underneath the borrowed wide brim of his Akubra hat.
At the going down of the sun, Derek says, the wails of the children can be heard, followed by the cries of women and finally the men. 'It's scary at night-time,' he says. The farmers whose homes dot the surrounding hills, descendants of settlers to this region, have also heard the spirits and the dead, he says.
'They'll see a big fire burning, then they'll come down to have a look,' Derek says. 'Then they'll get here and there's no fire. They go back to their block, and then they'll hear people singing and dancing, and then they'll come and check it out again. There's nobody there.' The Toyota bumps along, into the dusk.
Bootenal Springs is a massacre site. One hundred and seventy years ago the river turned red with blood. The Naaguja people say their ancestors await their blood to be answered.
'This is what we know,' says Derek's cousin Theona Councillor. Her light brown eyes are warm, her voice calm but measured, each word carefully chosen. 'This is our story, and we will tell it.'
The Councillors have heard the story since their childhood, passed down by Derek's father. The knowledge was imparted with a shift of the eyes and a solemn warning about Bootenal as a 'bad place' before, when Derek was a teenager, his father gradually expanded the story of bloodshed.
In the early 1850s European settlers hungry for land had begun to stretch out from the port cities of Perth and Fremantle, encroaching on the territories of neighbouring tribes. They brought their families, cattle, crops and fences.
Sign up: AU Breaking News email
They were taking up tens of thousands of hectares, clearing land, planting potatoes'All of a sudden, our people couldn't go there, they'd jump the fences … Sheep would go missing,' Derek says.
Aboriginal people also began to go missing.
The killings were sporadic at first. Settlers were angry with Naaguja for taking their livestock. The Naaguja, in turn, made threats against the settlers for encroaching on their lands.
In the winter of 1854 John Nicol Drummond led a campaign against the Naaguja people. A self-appointed inspector of police, the botanist had learned local languages including Noongar and relied on intel he had gleaned to launch the attack.
He gathered landowners, station hands and farmers to attack Naaguja families camped on the banks of the Greenough River.
The story from Uncle Harold Councillor is that the settlers came over the hills from east to west at dawn, shooting as they went. The sun coming up behind them blinded the family groups who were camped staying there.
The death toll is disputed. Officially, the settlers recorded that 30 men, women and children were killed. But the Councillors believe the toll was much higher. 'Someone dropped a zero – it was at least 100,' Derek says.
Theona has brought her daughter, grandchildren and cousins with her to Bootenal Springs on a bright warm day. They pick through the brush and scrub, avoiding the tangled roots and grasses.
They are not alone. The Councillors and other Naaguja elders are meeting with the ancestors of the perpetrators – families descended from the founding settlers of the town.
Theona has told Guardian Australia she will speak the truth. 'This is what we know,' she says. 'This is our story, and we will tell it and they are to listen. The calls of their blood must be answered.'
Now, on the riverbank, she introduces her cousins Avriel Maher, Edna Corbett and Peta Watkins to the white families they have travelled to meet.
'Margaret [is a] Criddle – her ancestor was one of the ones who rode in on the horses – and Amanda is the Drummonds,' Theona explains. 'They're coming for their side of the shield and we're coming for our side.'
Margaret Jones, born Criddle, and Amanda Rowland, born Drummond, are nervous. Amanda has driven here from her home in Cervantes, about 200km up the coast.
This is not their first meeting with Theona and Derek, with the families having attended the 170th commemorations of the massacre last year. A circle of sand to mark the ceremonial dance is still there from that meeting, yet to be blown away by the winds. Plaques honouring the place and its history can be seen glinting in the sun. They are interpretative commemorations, created by the pioneers and the elders.
Jones tells of the chill she felt arriving then, the sickness she felt in her stomach when standing by the casuarina she-oaks before the realisation hit: it was a killing ground.
This was once a traditional camping site, abundant with bush foods. Families would spend nights clustered under the whispering trees, sheltering in a safe place to rest and hear Dreaming stories. The Bimarra Dreaming snake, a major creation spirit, once slithered its way through here.
Derek gathers everyone in a clearing, under a large casuarina. Theona's daughter and grandchildren listen attentively, nodding as the story unfolds.
Sign up to Breaking News Australia
Get the most important news as it breaks
after newsletter promotion
On the morning of the massacre, as the sun rose, the warriors were out hunting so it was mostly women, children and elders at the riverbank. 'All the people were massacred in this spot here,' Derek says. 'There was no mercy for anyone, all the women and children were killed that day.'
He adds: 'We don't tell it with hate, we remember our past but don't dwell on it.'
But he points out that someone has gouged out selected words on one of the plaques. 'Our people', 'our land' and 'women and children were killed' have been struck through. Just days after we visited, more of the memorial was vandalised. Police are investigating.
There's a saying in Geraldton: shake a tree and out pops a Criddle. The family has been in the region since the 1850s. But now those descendants are reckoning aloud with what the trees once whispered.
Margaret Jones – 'Auntie Marg' to Theona – is warm and quick with a hug. She's quick to tears too. Her family's involvement in the massacre was hidden over time.
On the drive to the site, she says confronting that history has not been easy. 'I'm a bit nervous, I have to say,' she says. 'There's still a whole raft of emotions.
'I don't want to lose that unsettledness in me – because if I get to a place where it becomes commonplace, then I will lose the part that my family members played here.'
The group has come together thanks to Margaret's cousin, George Criddle, who cracked open the family history books during PhD research.
George began writing letters to their fifth-great-grandmother after being inspired by the Gumbaynggirr academic and historian Dr Gary Foley to 'look in the mirror'.
'I didn't want to know this about my family, and I didn't want to have that knowledge as a reflection on who I am and who my family is,' George says.
It was something that their father didn't want to discuss, George says, and relations became strained. 'That silence, that colonial silence, was just so obvious and so thick,' they say.
They feared that opening up with their family about what they knew would lead to exile, anger or rejection: 'That whole period, I was worried that I'd be kicked out.'
Instead, it launched a period of greater understanding.
Confronting that uncomfortable and contested history began a reckoning in not just the Criddle family but the wider community. Derek led a cultural tour.
'It was really profound for my family,' Criddle says. 'It was very difficult for everyone but it was also a release, because finally we've got the true history, or we've got connection to a history that had been silenced.'
It's a reckoning that has been years in the making.
We meet local historians and other curious community members at the Greenough Museum in Geraldton.
Artefacts of colonisation are all around us. A gleaming wagon wheel and embroidered tapestries on the walls provide a thin veneer of genteel pioneering history, a backdrop to our circle of plastic garden chairs. Dusty enamelled canisters line the kitchen benches and heavy jarrah floors support a table long enough to seat a platoon.
Amanda says that as a child she took pride in belonging to a 'foundational family'.
'I grew up feeling I was very, very special,' she says. 'Information started to filter through as a teenager, when I realised it wasn't all fabulous, brave pioneer stuff.'
The commemorations of the 170th anniversary, and her subsequent work with Theona exploring the history through art, has allowed her to acknowledge that legacy and the benefits conferred upon her family for their role in frontier violence.
'There was a war [that] my family did really well out of,' she says. 'Here was an Aboriginal person and Naaguja people, inviting me to really look at this. It is just really profound for me.
'I dropped six generations of shit, basically. The land, the people, something spoke through me.'
She remains shaken by what she learned and is still learning.
'I didn't know that women and children were killed,' she says.
Each time she visits the site, Drummond says, she is horrified anew. 'You think you have heard it all and then,' she pauses. The wind also pauses, and the she-oaks stop talking.
'I don't know how I feel really, there's always something to tip you over. But I thank the Councillors.'
Theona understands being unmoored by history and its losses.
'They're losing their comfortable untruth – where it feels good and safe but it's actually not the truth,' she says. 'I think they need to release themself. They need to actively seek it, release it. We can't do it for them. They have to do it.'
Derek says the stories must keep being told. 'We want to remember them today and that's why we still tell their story,' he says. 'We don't let them fade off and disappear in history.'
Indigenous Australians can call 13YARN on 13 92 76 for information and crisis support; or call Lifeline on 13 11 14, Mensline on 1300 789 978 or Beyond Blue on 1300 22 4636
Lorena Allam is a professor at the Jumbunna Institute for Indigenous research at the University of Technology Sydney
Hashtags

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles


BBC News
9 hours ago
- BBC News
The Kent mayor who was instrumental in beheading a king
A little-known mayor from Kent was one of the key figures responsible for the death of an English Broughton, who was the mayor of Maidstone, went on to be Oliver Cromwell's right-hand man and one of the main instigators in the beheading of King Charles I in clerk to the House of Commons he was given the crucial role of getting prominent figures to sign the king's death Waterman, historian and Maidstone tour guide, said he was a "zealous puritan" who "sat by Cromwell's side". Andrew Broughton lived in Earl Street in Maidstone and was the town's mayor for 12 years. His former home is now a Thai left Maidstone in the 1640s to become Oliver Cromwell's right-hand man. Mr Waterman said: "Broughton was his mover and shaker in the background and when the time came, very much his enforcer."On January 4, 1642, Charles I stormed Parliament with armed soldiers in an attempt to arrest five Members of Parliament for high treason, which proved a turning point. "Very soon afterwards he was charged with treason, arrested, tried and found guilty," said Mr Waterman."At the time there was only one punishment for treason and that was death."Mr Waterman said this was when Broughton's role became crucial. "The decision had been made and he was going to see it through, because that's what his beliefs told him. "He went round and strong-armed the 57 other people who signed that death warrant." King Charles I was beheaded on 30 January 1649 at the Palace of Whitehall in London, the first and only time a reigning English monarch was tried and executed by his own the restoration of the crown in 1660, Andrew Broughton was left in a difficult Waterman said: "When Charles II came back his target was the people who had signed that death warrant."There were a few people he refused to give a pardon to and one of them was Andrew Broughton."He left his family and went into hiding in Vevay in Switzerland, where he remained until his death in 1688. Broughton's house in Maidstone is marked by a plaque with the word "regicide" - killer of a king. Mr Waterman said: "It serves as a reminder of what the mayor of Maidstone was involved in."How he's not better know in English history amazes me."


Daily Mail
14 hours ago
- Daily Mail
Horror shooting outside Westfield Carousel Shopping Centre as two motorbike riders disappear into bushland
A shop outside a Westfield was targeted in a shooting with cops launching an investigation. Smoke Station on Cecil Avenue at Cannington, south Perth, was hit at 1.30am on Saturday. The shop is just metres from Westfield Carousel Shopping Centre. Western Australia Police said two rounds of ammunition were fired at the premises. A metal roller shutter and a glass window were damaged. Two off-road motorcycles were seen in the area at the time and crossing the Albany Highway before disappearing into bushland. Detectives have urged anyone with information to come forward.


Times
a day ago
- Times
The man arrested for helping 29 people die: ‘It was compassion'
Sean Davison has seen a lot of death. Over the last two decades, he has helped at least 33 people to kill themselves. 'It's a very important role,' he said. 'I enjoy helping people to have the death they want. A beautiful death to escape their suffering.' The police don't see it that way. Early on a July morning last year, ten officers raided his home in Dorset. He was questioned, held overnight and arrested on suspicion of 29 counts of assisting suicide. If it proceeds, the case will make legal history. Davison, 63, acted as an overseas agent working with Pegasos, an assisted dying clinic in Switzerland. He provided clients who were determined to end their lives with logistical and emotional support to reach the clinic: a sort of friendly travel agent to their final destination. Once there, he witnessed their deaths. He is still under investigation by Dorset police and no charges have been brought. After a year in legal limbo, he has agreed to speak publicly for the first time about his case, his beliefs and his hopes that England's proposed assisted dying law, currently restricted to the terminally ill, will soon be expanded to allow anyone of rational mind to access a state-approved death. 'An act of compassion' For someone who could be facing a 14-year prison sentence, Davison looks pretty cheerful. We meet at the house near Wareham, Dorset, where he lives with his wife, Raine, their three children aged 16, 15 and 11, their amiable German shepherds, Kia and Cally, and an impossibly cute grey kitten, Ollie. Their home bursts with the paraphernalia of an active family life: kayaks and bikes, kids' pictures on the wall, family photos (though many of those photos are still held by the police, he tells me). Slight and softly spoken, his somewhat donnish manner is a clue to his past. Davison earned a PhD in microbiology in his native New Zealand before emigrating to South Africa around the fall of apartheid, pioneering new DNA techniques at the University of the Western Cape. 'I loved my life there, being a scientist … I didn't think about dying or euthanasia at all. It didn't cross my mind,' he said. In 2006 he returned to New Zealand to nurse his mother, Pat, who was 85 and dying of cancer. In pain and desperate to hasten the end, she went on hunger strike. After 35 days with no food and little water, she was still alive but paralysed and racked with pain. 'I don't recommend starving yourself — it's a dreadful, dreadful way to go,' he said. She begged her son to help her die. 'I took a few days to think about it and realised it wasn't my decision. She was essentially decomposing. Who was I to play God and tell her: 'No, Mum, you must keep rotting in your bed until you die'?' He gave her a lethal dose of morphine. As well as ending his mother's life, the moment changed Davison's for ever. One of his sisters reported him to the police. His trial and conviction for assisting a suicide made headlines in both New Zealand and South Africa. After serving his sentence of five months' home detention he returned to Cape Town, where others who were desperate to die began to contact him for advice and help. 'I became a magnet for these issues,' he said. Not all who asked for his help were terminally ill. They included Anrich Burger, a quadriplegic man who found his life unbearable. 'I couldn't turn my back on him. It boiled down to compassion. That's not something you rationalise, it comes from the heart.' He helped more people to die. The South African police investigated and, in 2019, he pleaded guilty to three charges of premeditated murder. Desmond Tutu sent a character reference to the judge, and Davison's sentence was a relatively lenient three years of house arrest in Cape Town. Death on demand? Freed in 2022, he moved to the UK and settled in Dorset because it is 'as close to the equator as I could get'. He had become involved with the voluntary euthanasia group Exit International, which had links to the Pegasos clinic in Basel. He soon took over running the group's 'Swiss programme', accompanying and assisting Exit members from the UK, US and Australia to travel to Pegasos for their deaths. Assisting suicide is a crime in England and Wales but convictions are rare: five cases have been successfully prosecuted since 2009. When deciding whether to proceed, one factor considered by the Crown Prosecution Service is whether the accused stood to gain financially. Davison was a paid employee of Exit International until last year, when he began working directly with Pegasos. Assisting suicide was, I point out, how he made a living. 'Yeah, that will be a factor,' he said. 'The whole thing is a grey area. I knew I was on the edge of breaking the law. But I wasn't going to turn my back on people who need help.' Davison will not disclose his earnings from either Exit International or Pegasos, but maintains he could earn much more by returning to his former profession as a scientist. 'I took a big pay cut. Money's not important. I make a more valuable contribution to society doing what I do now'. How many people he 'helped' is unclear. 'Twenty nine is the number the police are investigating,' he said carefully. 'But the number makes no difference to me. Each one was done for the same reason, out of compassion.' Even for Switzerland, Pegasos is controversial. The clinic, which is non-profit and charges about 10,000 Swiss francs (£9,200) for an assisted death, will accept those who do not have terminal illness and those suffering from long-term depression, after an assessment. Critics point out that depression can often be treated and reversed, and say the approach comes dangerously close to death on demand. When describing those deaths at Pegasos, Davison's language borders on that of a travel brochure. The word 'beautiful' crops up a lot, describing both the surroundings and the deaths themselves. 'Some facilities are hidden away on industrial sites, but Pegasos have this facility in the hills around Basel, in a tiny hamlet with beautiful nature all around. There are stunning views through the windows where you lie on your bed and have your assisted death. 'Travelling to Switzerland can be an ordeal. The purpose of the programme was to help make it less stressful, more of a beautiful experience.' Clients typically stay one night in the purpose-built hotel next to the clinic and die the next day. 'I was with all of those 29,' he said. 'Some came with family and I'd be in the background. About half came alone. That could be very, very sad, but sometimes it was what they'd wanted: a meditative farewell on their own. In those cases I'd step out of their vision and experience completely. Though they can't be completely alone. There needs to be a witness.' No doubts Davison's certainty that every individual has 'a right to end their suffering' seems unshakeable. He is disappointed with the bill going through parliament, which only applies to the terminally ill with a six-month prognosis. He wants a law similar to that in Switzerland, where any mentally competent adult can request assistance to die. He thinks we're heading that way. 'This bill is a starting point. Australia had a similar law, and within a year they were reviewing it. Canada too. Ours could expand quickly.' This is precisely the spectre that opponents raise: once assisted suicides are allowed, the floodgates will open. 'But surely if the floodgates open, it indicates there is a demand,' he counters. 'All the more reason to change the law.' • How did your MP vote on assisted dying? Other objections cut no ice with him. Coercion from family members? 'It can happen, but from the countries where the law has changed there's been no evidence of it. I've seen the opposite — families resisting their loved one's desire to end their life. Coercion is not an issue.' Religious objections? 'I believe we make our own decisions. It's too easy to place everything at the feet of God.' It's only when I raise depression that his certainty falters. Mental suffering can be as unbearable as physical suffering, Davison believes, and as valid a reason for an individual to choose to end their life; but when asked whether that means depressed people would qualify, he will only say it should be left to experts. He is on surer ground with the healthy elderly who decide they have had enough. 'We refer to it as old-age rational suicide,' he said. 'The day after my arrest, I was due to accompany a 95-year-old lady from Dorset to Pegasos. She'd lived a full life and wasn't ill but was on a steady decline and had made a sound, rational decision. 'The police stopped it. They found her details at my house, went straight to her place. But she was a smart woman. Two days later she jumped in a taxi to Heathrow and away she went to her assisted death. But she'd wanted me there. Instead, she had to go with no support.' No way back Davison's arrest has left him more defiant than ever, and if charged he will plead not guilty. 'If the law is not challenged, families will continue living in fear of accompanying their loved ones to Switzerland — and that's got to stop, it's just inhumane.' For now he remains in a twilight zone, pondering where his commitment to the assisted dying cause, born two decades ago at his mother's bedside, has led him. 'I didn't want this journey I'm on,' he said. 'I'm a family man, I want to be at home with my kids. But I don't want to be ashamed of the things I didn't do … and if I hadn't helped these people, I'd be ashamed. 'My mother's death opened my eyes. If it had been different, I'd still be a scientist. I would have preferred that happy, peaceful life. It was just that one turning point … and then there was no way back.'