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Why India's geopolitical rise is historically unprecedented

Why India's geopolitical rise is historically unprecedented

First Post2 days ago

Just as India's non-colonial, non-invasive ascent shames the imperial West, China too is shamed by India's democracy and freedoms read more
The two interviews Chief of Defence Staff (CDS) General Anil Chauhan granted to Bloomberg and Reuters at the Shangri-La Dialogue in Singapore revealed how global media shapes — and distorts — narratives.
Both interviews focused on General Chauhan's confirmation of an unspecified but small loss of Indian fighter jets. They did not focus on his confirmation of the unprecedented devastation Indian fighter jets and cruise missiles inflicted on military airbases and terrorist sites deep inside Pakistan. General Chauhan added that India penetrated and disabled Pakistan's Chinese-made air defence systems 'with impunity'.
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The global reaction to the four-day conflict also shows the deep anxiety in the West and China at India's growing military power — and its willingness to use it against a nuclear-armed enemy state.
India's retaliatory attack on Pakistan's military airfields and terrorist headquarters has transformed India's global image from a soft power into a hard power.
Consider the reaction of the United States and China as well as countries allied to the two superpowers. US foreign policy has historically leant towards Pakistan. Through the Cold War from 1950-91, Pakistan was America's loyal henchman.
Washington rewarded Islamabad by conferring on Pakistan the status of a non-NATO ally and plying it with F-16 fighter jets as well as generous financial aid. In return, as Pakistan's foreign minister Ishaq Dar confessed on television last month, 'We did the West's dirty work for over 30 years.' That included breeding 'good' and 'bad' terrorists.
India has now signalled to the world — friend and foe — that the old rules of military engagement no longer apply. The failure of Pakistan's Chinese-made air defence systems to thwart India's multiple missile attacks has been noted in Beijing and Western capitals around the world.
Significantly, China did not move a muscle to open up a second front on the LAC. It knew that 60,000 Indian troops, backed by one of India's three S-400 air defence systems, stood on alert at the India-China border. Two other S-400 systems remain deployed on the western front. They shot down multiple Chinese and Turkish drones and missiles fired by Pakistan during the May 7-10 clash.
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Embroiled in a bitter trade war with the US, Beijing's reaction to the India-Pakistan conflict has been relatively muted. It cannot cut ties with India which has the potential to compensate for some of the trade lost due to US tariffs on Chinese imports. Chinese investments in India's mobile phone and consumer markets are growing at a steady pace.
Yet China is quietly enhancing delivery of advanced weaponry to Pakistan. A tripartite deal with Islamabad and Kabul is aimed at reviving the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) which has become a white elephant for most debt-ridden countries. For China the Pakistan-Afghanistan route is crucial to extend the BRI across Eurasia.
The reaction of the two superpowers to the four-day India-Pakistan conflict offers a study in contrasts. Under President Donald Trump the US has become an unpredictable power, ruled by Trump's changing moods. Washington continues to regard Pakistan as a nuisance, but a necessary nuisance, in south-central Asia.
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Triangle of convenience
The US-Pakistan-China triangle of convenience is based on expediency. Pakistan plays broker to the two superpower rivals, trying to get back into Washington's good books while remaining China's economic handmaiden.
Under transactional Trump, the arrangement works. Pakistan is well-versed in the dark arts of playing one country against another. As long as he can gain commercially from Pakistan's corrupt military and political leadership, especially its new crypto ventures, Trump is willing to look the other way at Islamabad's growing dependence on China even though Beijing is America's single biggest geopolitical threat.
Double-dealing comes naturally to Pakistan. So does being subservient to both the US and China and doing their bidding. India's autonomous foreign policy in contrast has long annoyed the big powers. Europe reacted with patronising fury in 2022 when India refused to condemn Russia's invasion of Ukraine and continued trading with Moscow.
Former European colonial powers were not used to a former European colony defying sanctions that the US and Europe had slapped on Russia even though the Russia-Ukraine war was Europe's war, not India's. It took firm schooling by External Affairs Minister Dr. S. Jaishankar to put Europe in its place.
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Putting the US in its place was next. India made it clear that Washington had no role to play in the ceasefire on May 10. The point was driven home clinically, frequently, and with undiplomatic candour by the Indian leadership.
China has watched India's new assertive policy with interest and concern. While Europe and the US became rich and powerful by exploiting other countries through colonialism and slavery, China like India has been a victim of Western colonialism as well.
The West for long saw India as an upstart former European colony that needed to be lectured on democracy, freedom and governance. No former colony of the West, impoverished by European colonialism, had ever before risen to economic, military and geopolitical power in the manner India has.
Though still poor, India is now among the world's top three nations across key domains: third largest passenger vehicles manufacturer, second largest steel producer, largest milk producer, largest software services exporter, second largest consumer market, and second largest mobile phone market.
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Dealing with India requires a reset in Western and Chinese thinking. Both know they stand shamed by India's progress. The West because India has risen without invading, colonising, shipping African slaves across an ocean, and settling on indigenous peoples' land. These taint Western civilisation.
China for its part has historically regarded India as a weak, disunited nation that succumbed to British colonialism which China resisted except for ceding Hong Kong to Britain.
But Chinese think tanks have recently concluded that India will by 2050 be a major global economic, military and technological power. Its consumer markets will be larger than China's, its population younger and more stable at 1.40 billion, while China's population shrinks and ages.
But just as India's non-colonial, non-invasive ascent shames the imperial West, China too is shamed by India's democracy and freedoms which China has bartered away for growth. India has preserved both, growth and democracy.
The writer is an editor, author and publisher. Views expressed in the above piece are personal and solely those of the author. They do not necessarily reflect Firstpost's views.
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Apple can inch toward India and Vietnam, but it can't leave China, with or without tariffs
Apple can inch toward India and Vietnam, but it can't leave China, with or without tariffs

Time of India

time10 minutes ago

  • Time of India

Apple can inch toward India and Vietnam, but it can't leave China, with or without tariffs

By Catherine Thorbecke During US President Donald Trump 's first term, he famously toured a Texas factory and claimed credit for bringing Apple Inc . production back to America. Except the plant had been running long before he took office. And it was an 'unmitigated fiasco.' Workers in China had to be flown in to help fix the mounting manufacturing issues encountered in the US heartland. This telling anecdote from Apple in China, a gripping read by former Financial Times journalist Patrick McGee, shows how the tech giant became beholden to America's biggest geopolitical adversary. Up until this point, the book recounts how Apple flew engineers from California to China to train and collaborate with local workers to manufacture its most iconic products. Now, it seems, the tables have irreversibly turned. McGee argues that the technology transfer facilitated by Apple to China, via small decisions compounding over decades, ultimately made it the biggest corporate investor into Made in China 2025, President Xi Jinping's bold plan to end reliance on Western technology. 'Here was America's most famous tech giant volunteering to play the role of Prometheus, handing the Chinese the gift of fire,' McGee writes. Yet the overarching argument of the book — that the US company made China into the tech behemoth it is today — begs the question of why Apple didn't make the same kind of investment in the US. And amid Trump's second term, when he has repeatedly threatened tariffs on the company if it doesn't onshore manufacturing, this query has new urgency. But the reality is that Trump's nagging will never be able to recreate the ecosystem that local governments in China, with the help of Taiwanese suppliers such as Hon Hai Precision Industry Co., created to lure Apple. A simplistic answer from a scholar early in the book is that China was a 'low wages, low welfare and low human rights' nation. Suppliers could exploit a massive underclass of migrant workers, and local authorities could quickly suppress any labor unrest or media reports of it. If there were any voices I wanted to hear more of in the book, it wasn't the dozens of Cupertino, California, engineers but these Chinese workers who turned Apple into the $3-trillion-dollar company it is today. (Apple has publicly called claims in the book untrue and full of inaccuracies.) But if there's a lesson for Trump — or American consumers — here, it is that electronics manufacturing jobs can come at a high cost for workers. It's hard to imagine that these are the kinds of positions Trump's base is hoping for, in an area where automation would be welcome. China is hardly a low-wage manufacturing base anymore. Apple Chief Executive Officer Tim Cook acknowledged this before, saying that his company produces in the country not because of labor costs but because of its legions of skilled workers. McGee argues that this upskilling is now being used to fuel innovation at homegrown tech giants such as Huawei Technologies Co. — and a direct result of Apple's investments. While the iPhone maker was chasing short-term profits, savvy suppliers in Asia were playing the long game. We've all heard about the legendary union between founder Steve Jobs and designer Jony Ive that made the iPhone a unique product. But the partnership that made it a revolutionary one, owned by more than a billion people, was between Cook and 'Uncle Terry,' McGee argues. Terry Gou, the founder of Hon Hai (better known as Foxconn), was the hyper-efficient manufacturing genius who brought the iPhone to the masses. Gou was described as obsessed with cutting costs — even if that meant diluting hand soap in factories with increasing amounts of water. One source in the book described him as worth billions in 'nickels and dimes.' But Gou recognized the value of working with Apple wasn't just profits: It was the tacit knowledge that he and his team would receive from the engineers shipped over from California to help set up and run the factories. This learning was invaluable, Gou understood, and made even losing money to get Apple orders worth it. Ultimately, the high-tech manufacturing ecosystem built up in China took decades, marked not just by the factories producing its iconic goods but by the creation of sub-suppliers nearby and an army of skilled engineers. It will be nearly impossible for Trump to try to recreate this during his four-year term. The US could start by focusing investments in vocational education and engineering, but policymakers should recognize that catching up now requires a strategic long game. And all the years it took to develop a reliance on China means it's not Trump's tariff threats that pose the biggest existential threat to Apple. It's Beijing. Uncoupling too fast risks angering local authorities, but not doing so quickly enough makes it even harder for it to inevitably be done. As this book convincingly argues, Apple can inch toward India and Vietnam, but it can't leave China anytime soon.

Raajneeti turns 15: Prakash Jha says Katrina Kaif learnt her speech for 40 days, Anjum Rajabali had his doubts about Ranbir Kapoor
Raajneeti turns 15: Prakash Jha says Katrina Kaif learnt her speech for 40 days, Anjum Rajabali had his doubts about Ranbir Kapoor

Indian Express

time11 minutes ago

  • Indian Express

Raajneeti turns 15: Prakash Jha says Katrina Kaif learnt her speech for 40 days, Anjum Rajabali had his doubts about Ranbir Kapoor

Aamir Khan may be planning to make a film series on the Mahabharata and then hang up his boots. But filmmaker Prakash Jha and screenwriter Anjum Rajabali did that 15 years ago. Their 2010 political drama Raajneeti was a modern adaptation of the epic, yet they maintain it never started off as that. 'Unlike Gangaajal (2003) or Apaharan (2004), Raajneeti didn't happen after witnessing a specific incident. It was a broader socio-political drama based on reality, but resonating with the Mahabharata. The characters are all the same everywhere, as they were back in the epic,' Prakash Jha tells SCREEN. 'There's something for everybody — drama, crisis, highs, lows — everything you can think of about human existence, it's all there capsuled in the Mahabharata. So every Indian creator keeps drawing from it,' he adds. 'We didn't start out by wanting to adapt the Mahabharata. We just allowed it to enter our script. It's a sprawling epic. But you're not writing an epic, you're writing a screenplay,' Rajabali points out. After serving as a script consultant on Jha's last two films, he was approached by the director to co-write a film on electoral politics. 'I wasn't interested in that,' recalls Rajabali. But he proposed to Jha that the filmmaker visits him every evening from 7:30 pm to 10 pm. They'd brainstorm over 'two shots of vodka' for seven days, in the middle of which Rajabali recalled they began veering towards the Mahabharata. The idea of power conflict and cousins competing with other brought them closer to the broad strokes of the epic. But Rajabali was dead sure he didn't want Karna to be the hero, much to the surprise of Jha. 'Karna has the usual characteristics of a hero: he's the underdog who comes up fighting against injustice. But I told Prakash you must not look at only as destiny, but also in terms of the choices he made. He wholeheartedly went with Duryodhana, knowing fully well he's an evil guy. That lends the story a dystopian end — who do we side with, because they're all evil,' reasons Rajabali. Enter: Arjuna. 'Prakash said Arjuna is a boring character, who's a good family member and a good warrior. But I brought his attention to Arjuna's arc — he doesn't want to enter the war, but Krishna gives him the perspective on why he should fight for a cause. Then their dark deeds begin to surface. So I asked Prakash, 'What if Arjuna begins to revel in that?' Because he's suddenly a demon who has been unleashed,' says Rajabali. The Arjuna of Raajneeti — Samar Pratap Singh — is the proverbial outsider. The youngest son who comes back from his school abroad for a few days, only to get caged in the politics of his family and that of the state. 'His father is killed, brother is jailed, so he has to enter politics out of anger. Then the guy who's researching Victorian poetry begins to do one dark deed after another. If you notice, even the topic of his research has to do with violence in the 18th century. So there's a fascination with violence, which was already coming out via academics,' underlines Rajabali. He recalls the time when he got a call from Jha who said they've found their Arjuna: Ranbir Kapoor. 'Who, Rishi Kapoor's son? That's how I knew of him,' says Rajabali, reminding us that Ranbir's debut film, Sanjay Leela Bhansali's Saawariya (2007), hadn't released then. 'Have you seen it? Can he perform?' 'I haven't, but my instinct says he can.' 'I trusted his instincts, but I had my doubts,' reveals Rajabali. A few days after Jha began filming in Bhopal, Rajabali visited the set. Jha showed him the scene in which Ranbir is just sitting on a chair and looking at the television news of his father's death and brother's arrest. The camera goes from right to left on his face. 'That boy was speaking volumes with his silence. There was no prep. He's an intuitive actor, a complete natural. I was completely convinced. Ranbir had very few lines, but boy, did he leave an impact! He's the best actor we've had in more than a decade now,' says Rajabali. If Ranbir was a revelation, Katrina Kaif wasn't far behind. 'We couldn't pick Draupadi's angle as it is because the fight between husbands for her and all that jazz doesn't quite work today. But it stayed with me after reading the epic that Draupadi loved Arjuna, but he was too focused on ambition. So there was an unrequited love,' recalls Rajabali, who again was concerned if Kaif would be able to pull off the Hindi heartland dialogues with the right accent. 'Once again, Prakash was convinced she'd deliver,' he adds. 'Katrina is a very hardworking actor. She worked with so much dedication. She learnt her lines for 30-40 days so she could deliver them confidently,' Jha recalls. Rajabali did find issues with her accent during the filming, but changed his mind during the dubbing sessions. 'The amount of effort that the girl put in… she managed to deliver word to word in near-perfect diction,' says Rajabali. It's been 15 years, the party in power has changed, so it makes sense for us to pose the question to Rajabali: Was Katrina Kaif's character inspired by Sonia Gandhi? He refuses, but sees the parallels. 'There are various archetypal characters in life and in good literature and cinema. Rajiv Gandhi was the proverbial outsider. He didn't want to join politics. But then he did, and he won. Then he gets killed. There's a widow. Katrina looks half white. I wasn't concerned, but I anticipated such allegations,' says Rajabali. He then reveals that as the Congress party got concerned closer to the film's release, they inserted their representative in the Central Board of Film Certification. 'This was an open secret. There was no contention with the film though, except one word. When two people at a chai shop are discussing election results, a laconic man, buried in the newspaper, says, 'Le jaegi vidhwa sab samet kar.' They objected to 'vidhwa' because that might be confused with Sonia Gandhi. I didn't agree with it, but Prakash said we'd have to remove it. So the word was changed to 'bitiya,'' says Rajabali. Other changes in translating the Mahabharata to the world of Raajneeti included eliminating Nakul and Sahadeva because they're quite similar, and choosing Arjun Rampal's character Prithvi as Bhima over Yudhishthira. 'Prakash recommended we take Bhima because there's an innocence to him. He loves his family. He's loud and uncouth, but there's an endearing quality to him too. He's gullible so can get tricked very soon, so you need to protect him,' says Rajabali. Another change was to make their Krishna far more quieter than he's in the epic. In fact, Nana Patekar is the only actor in the ensemble who doesn't get a monologue. Even Naseeruddin Shah does, within a cameo. 'He doesn't pick up any weapons, but only operates on plotting. So that's how I asked Nana Patekar to be in his body language,' says Jha. 'He's a thinking person, a strategist. He'd just process everything and come up with just one line that Samar catches up on. He's the man to watch out for. He forces you to pay attention to him precisely because he doesn't speak much. So you always wonder what he's up to,' argues Rajabali. He quotes the example of the scene in which Patekar's character comes up with the perfect candidate to compete with Surya (Ajay Devgn's character based on Karna). 'It's obvious he's the natural choice to win in a Dalit constituency. Nana Patekar doesn't say anything, but he just goes there and announces their candidate as Surya's father. That's a masterstroke,' points out Rajabali. Jha recently admitted that he has the story for the sequel ready. 'I have an idea with me. But we just haven't gotten to it yet because other commitments keep coming up,' says the filmmaker, who's been busy with his MXPlayer show Aashram, his next film Janadhish, and other projects as a producer. 'It can be quite rich because it can reflect today's challenges for politicians. The Mahabharata is infinite so there is a lot of potential,' argues Rajabali. Jha points out that most characters from the first part, including those of Devgn, Manoj Bajpayee, and Arjun Rampal, are dead. So would the sequel continue where we left the other characters? Also Read — Dune director Denis Villenueve was impressed by Ranbir Kapoor after watching Raajneeti on a plane: 'He stood out among such an ensemble' 'It may start from there or once we work on it, it may be something completely new,' says Jha, with a shrug. But where would Samar, Indu, and Mama be today? Or what would their Arjuna, Draupadi, and Krishna up to to now? 'I can't possibly answer that because I may give you the idea Prakash and I just end up doing. So I have to be a little discrete about it,' says Rajabali, in true Krishna fashion.

Who is Anthony Thomas Reyes, accused of trespassing at Mar-a-Lago for Kai Trump?
Who is Anthony Thomas Reyes, accused of trespassing at Mar-a-Lago for Kai Trump?

Time of India

time12 minutes ago

  • Time of India

Who is Anthony Thomas Reyes, accused of trespassing at Mar-a-Lago for Kai Trump?

Turns out, even Trump's Mar-a-Lago can be trespassed when one's 'passionate' enough! A 23-year-old fella just did that, and eventually, got arrested! But why did he do so? Read on to find out more. What happened? Anthony Thomas Reyes, a 23-year-old from Texas, was arrested early on June 3, after scaling the perimeter wall of Mar-a-Lago, the Palm Beach estate of former President Donald Trump . But what was the reason behind Anthony's plan to trespass at Mar-a-Lago? Reyes allegedly told Secret Service agents that he intended to "spread the gospel" and marry Trump's 18-year-old granddaughter, Kai Trump. Interestingly, this was not his first attempt to breach the property; he had previously tried to enter on New Year's Eve. At the time of the incident, neither Trump nor any family members were present at Mar-a-Lago. The estate was closed to visitors, and its gates were secured by Secret Service personnel. Reyes was charged with state trespassing and is being held on a $50,000 bond. Federal charges may follow, and he has been ordered to avoid contact with the Trump family. Who is Kai Trump? Kai Madison Trump (born in 2007), is the eldest granddaughter of former U.S. President Donald Trump and the first child of Donald Trump Jr. and his ex-wife, Vanessa Trump. Raised in New York City and later in Palm Beach Gardens, Florida, she is currently a senior at The Benjamin School and is an aspiring professional golfer who has committed to play at the University of Miami in 2026. Kai has a significant social media following and gained national attention after delivering a speech at the Republican National Convention praising her grandfather. She has become a prominent social media personality, amassing nearly 5 million followers across platforms like YouTube, TikTok, and Instagram. Her father, Donald Trump Jr., has publicly expressed concern over her increased public profile. However, Kai mostly shares content related to her golfing achievements, family life, and personal experiences, resonating with a broad audience. Details about her personal life, whether she has a boyfriend or not, are yet to be known. Reyes' trespassing isn't the first time Mar-a-Lago's security has been breached. The prestigious property has previously been the site of other security breaches as well. In 2019, Yujing Zhang, a Chinese national, was sentenced to eight months in prison after unlawfully entering a restricted zone at Mar-a-Lago. Trump heads to Miami court for appearance in documents case

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