EU delays vote on new Russia sanctions
EU leaders have opted to postpone discussion of a new package of sanctions against Russia, according to Hungarian news outlet Index. The delay reportedly comes as Budapest and Bratislava oppose the move due to mounting concerns about energy imports.
Adopting new sanctions requires unanimous approval from all 27 EU member states. Hungary and Slovakia have spoken out against more sanctions amid disagreements with Brussels over a proposed plan to phase out Russian energy imports by 2027. The European Commission intends to adopt the proposal using trade law mechanisms that would allow it to bypass vetoes from dissenting member states.
The proposed 18th sanctions package was under threat of a veto from Slovak Prime Minister Robert Fico, Index reported on Thursday, noting that European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen had met with him ahead of the EU leaders' summit in Brussels. The talks reportedly failed to produce a compromise, leading to removal of the issue from the agenda, to avoid formal rejection.
Fico said earlier that day that Slovakia would not support a new sanctions package and will demand a delay in the vote until his country's concerns over gas supplies after 2027 are resolved. Hungarian Foreign Minister Peter Szijjarto said earlier this week that Budapest and Bratislava would block adoption of the new sanctions package, also citing the potential ban on purchasing Russian energy.
The European Commission unveiled a proposed 18th sanctions package earlier this month, targeting Russian energy exports, infrastructure, and financial institutions. The measures include a ban on future use of the sabotaged Nord Stream pipeline, restrictions on refined products made from Russian crude, and sanctions on 77 vessels allegedly part of Russia's so-called 'shadow fleet,' used to circumvent oil trade restrictions.
Speaking at a press conference following the summit in Brussels on Thursday, European Council President Antonio Costa said the '18th package of sanctions is underway.' Reuters, meanwhile, reported—citing two EU officials—that the bloc had agreed to extend previously adopted sanctions for another six months.
Hashtags
Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles
Russia Today
10 minutes ago
- Russia Today
Kremlin responds to prospect of NATO nuclear-capable jets on Russian border
Russia sees Estonia's willingness to host nuclear-capable NATO aircraft as a direct threat to its security, Kremlin spokesman Dmitry Peskov said on Friday. Responding to recent remarks made by Estonian Defense Minister Hanno Pevkur welcoming such deployments, Peskov warned that the presence of F-35 fighter jets in the Baltic region would be considered a serious provocation. He criticized Tallinn's stance as 'absurd,' adding that relations with Moscow 'can hardly get any worse.' Pevkur told local media that F-35s, which are capable of being equipped with nuclear weapons, 'have already been in Estonia and will soon return again in rotation,' and expressed the country's readiness to accommodate allied forces using such aircraft. The Baltic states of Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania have hosted NATO fighter rotations since joining the military bloc in 2004. Their airspace is patrolled by allied aircraft due to limited domestic capabilities. NATO's eastern expansion has long been a point of contention for Russia, which accuses the West of breaking post-Cold War assurances. During this week's NATO summit in The Hague, British Prime Minister Keir Starmer confirmed the planned purchase of at least 12 F-35A jets, thus restoring the UK's airborne nuclear deterrent for the first time since the 1990s. Although the US, UK, and France are the only official nuclear powers within NATO, American nuclear weapons remain stationed in several non-nuclear allied countries. Moscow claims that US-led training of NATO pilots for nuclear missions violates the spirit of non-proliferation agreements. Citing the need to counter rising threats from NATO near its borders, Russia deployed tactical nuclear weapons to Belarus and held joint drills with Belarusian forces last year.
Russia Today
14 minutes ago
- Russia Today
Forget the Middle East: This region could be next to see a major crisis
The war in the Middle East poses a growing threat to Central Asia. If Iran undergoes a radical change in its political system or descends into internal turmoil, its territory could become a conduit for foreign infiltration into a region long seen as within Russia's strategic orbit. Anyone with a grasp of international affairs understands that Russia's most defining geopolitical feature is the absence of natural borders. Even where physical barriers exist, such as in the Caucasus, historical experience has taught Russians to treat them as illusory. In this context, central Asia has always been viewed as part of Russia's extended strategic space. Threats to the region's stability are thus perceived in Moscow not as distant disruptions, but as direct national security concerns. One of the central foreign policy challenges for Russia in the coming years will be determining how far it must go to prevent such threats from materializing. For the first time since gaining independence in the 1990s, Central Asia may now be seriously vulnerable to destabilizing forces. Geographically removed from the conflict-prone neighborhoods of Turkey, Syria, Iraq, and Israel, the region has enjoyed a period of relative calm. Only Mongolia, bordered by friendly Russia and China, is arguably more fortunate. Central Asia, until now, has been largely insulated. But this insulation is now under threat. Since the late 19th century, Afghanistan has been the primary concern. But the danger has rarely come from Afghan state actors. Instead, the country has served as a base for extremists targeting neighboring post-Soviet republics. Both Russia and China have long had a vested interest in shielding the region from such spillover, largely for their own domestic reasons. Both powers have large Muslim populations and strong incentives to keep Islamist radicalism at bay. It is precisely this self-interest that has formed the basis of effective cooperation and restraint in international relations. However, this relatively stable picture is beginning to change. Israel's current posture – driven by an elite seeking to maintain power through perpetual military confrontation – is creating ripple effects far beyond its borders. The escalation since October 2023 has triggered a direct conflict between Israel and Iran. There is even talk in some Israeli circles of targeting Turkey next, due to its regional ambitions. While many of Israel's Arab neighbors may prefer to stay out of such a spiral, the intensification of conflict makes neutrality increasingly untenable. This trajectory has implications not only for the Middle East, but for the wider Eurasian space. The possibility that Iran could be destabilized – either through external pressure or internal collapse – should concern all those who value regional stability. Iran is a key player in the Eurasian balance, and a descent into chaos could turn it into a launch pad for foreign interference aimed at Russia and China via Central Asia. Russia must therefore prepare for all scenarios. So far, Iran has shown resilience. The leadership is maintaining control, and the population remains broadly patriotic. But dramatic changes cannot be ruled out. Should Iran fracture, the security vacuum created could expose Central Asia to manipulation from actors who view the region not as a priority in itself, but as a lever against Moscow and Beijing. It bears emphasizing: Central Asia is not significant to the West in the way it is to Russia or China. The region's population of under 90 million is dwarfed by the likes of Iran or Pakistan. Its global economic footprint pales in comparison to Southeast Asian nations such as Vietnam or Indonesia. The West views it not as a partner, but as a resource base – useful insofar as it weakens Russia and China. Should Iran descend into disorder, foreign actors could use it as a staging ground to project influence or destabilize Central Asia, without facing any real consequences themselves. For Washington, Brussels, or London, events in the region are an abstraction – something to exploit diplomatically, not something to defend materially. Beyond the external threats, there are internal risks as well. Israel's aggressive foreign policy, when broadcast globally, generates resentment among Muslim populations. In Central Asia, where ties to Russian culture and the Soviet past are strong, many citizens have a finely tuned sense of justice. They are not passive observers. Perceived injustice in the Middle East could radicalize sections of the population, making them susceptible to extremist messaging. The governments of Central Asia have done much to avoid becoming pawns in global geopolitics. The creation of the 'Central Asian Five' – a regional platform for dialogue and coordination – has been a major step. Russia supports this initiative, recognizing the importance of local agency and regional cooperation. These states are wisely building stronger relations with key neighbors, including China and Russia, while maintaining a cautious stance towards Turkey's neo-Ottoman ambitions. Ankara's push for a 'Great Turan' is treated with polite skepticism. Its economic and military capacities remain limited, and Central Asian leaders understand that. Overall, the region's foreign policy is marked by pragmatism. It seeks flexibility without compromising core obligations to strategic partners such as Russia. Moscow has no reason to take offence. And yet, even the best foreign policy cannot insulate these states from chaos beyond their borders. Russia must be realistic. It cannot – and should not – assume total responsibility for defending Central Asia. History teaches caution. The First World War stands as a cautionary tale of Russia committing to allies at great cost, only to reap instability and collapse. Moscow should now make clear that the preservation of sovereignty in Central Asia is a matter for the region's governments themselves. Russia remains a friend, a neighbor, and a responsible partner. But it will not mortgage its future for vague promises or ill-defined obligations. In the age of collapsing norms and rising brute force, this sober, balanced approach is the only one that can ensure both regional peace and Russia's own long-term article was first published by Vzglyad newspaper and was translated and edited by the RT team.
Russia Today
40 minutes ago
- Russia Today
Indian coal imports from Russia reach two year high
India increased its imports of Russian thermal coal to a two-year high of 1.3 million tons in May, business daily Kommersant reported on Friday. The growth was primarily driven by flexible pricing and high-quality coal from Russian exporters, the report said, adding that Russia now accounts for 7.5% of India's coal imports. India, which imported 9.8 million tons of Indonesian coal in May, is now looking to increase its imports of higher-grade Russian coal. The South Asian nation's total thermal coal imports rose by 10% in May to 17.4 million tons, the highest level since June 2024, Kommersant reported, citing data from BigMint. Favorable market conditions have prompted India to reduce its imports of lower-calorific-value Indonesian coal in favour of higher-grade Russian coal, which is offered at competitive prices, Nariman Taiketayev, Director of the Corporate Ratings Group at National Credit Ratings told the daily. Russian suppliers are also generally more amenable to flexible pricing and India's future demand for coal will depend on a combination of price dynamics and weather-related factors, he added. Evgeny Grachev, director of the Russian Centre for Price Indices, believes that Russian coal exporters most likely increased volumes of exports to India within the bounds of existing contracts. He told Kommersant that the early onset of the rainy season will increase hydropower generation in India and 'put pressure on thermal generation and coal consumption.' India, which is dependent on coal for 70% of its electricity needs, announced a record coal production of 1.04 billion tons in March. Coal Minister G. Kishan Reddy has said that production should reach about 1.53 billion tons by 2030.
