Alabama Community College System approves legislative agenda
The Alabama Community College System approved its legislative agenda at its monthly board meeting on Wednesday.
With the Legislature almost halfway through the 2025 session, some of ACCS' priorities have already made it through both chambers of the Legislature. Boone Kinard, executive director of external affairs, told the board that HB 102, sponsored by Rep. Jeanna Ross, R-Guntersville, passed and is awaiting a signature from Gov. Kay Ivey.
'Every kid in the state, regardless of your zip code, who wants to take advantage of a dual enrollment course, this bill will allow them to do that,' Kinard said.
SUBSCRIBE: GET THE MORNING HEADLINES DELIVERED TO YOUR INBOX
The legislation prohibits school districts from preventing students from entering dual enrollment programs, which allow high school students to take college courses for college credit at community colleges and universities. A request for comment from Ivey's office was sent Wednesday afternoon.
Kinard also highlighted HB 266, sponsored by Rep. Mat Woods, R-Jasper, also known as the Restoring Educational Advancement of Completing High School (REACH) Act. The legislation would create a program for high schoolers that drop out of high school to get their high school diploma from their previous high school.
'So this bill would expand this program and would allow more students to take advantage of it,' Kinard said. 'It would also require us to work with the State Department of Education to get better data.'
The bill has passed the House and is awaiting a vote in the Senate.
Kinard also said the system requested an amendment for a paid parental leave bill that would include community college educators. SB 199, sponsored by Sen. Vivian Figures, D-Mobile, would provide up to eight weeks of maternity leave and two weeks of paternity leave to state employees in most cases.
'Community college employees were inadvertently left out of the original version of the bill. We've engaged with the governor's office,' Kinard said. 'We've been able to add an amendment to the bill to add our community college employees to make sure that they can receive this benefit should this bill pass.'
The system's agenda also supports the creation of a state lottery to fund scholarships for any Alabama resident to attend a state public, two-year community and technical college. Legislation for a state lottery and gaming failed on the last day of the 2024 session. So far, there have not been any bills filed to create a lottery.
The board will meet on April 9 at Jefferson State Community College for its next meeting.
SUPPORT: YOU MAKE OUR WORK POSSIBLE
Hashtags
Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles
Yahoo
3 hours ago
- Yahoo
Mirror and Express targeted for takeover that would sack a third of journalists
The Mirror and Express newspapers are being targeted for a cost-cutting takeover that would result in more than 850 journalists losing their jobs. Documents seen by The Telegraph show that veteran newspaper executive David Montgomery is reviving a swoop on Reach that would allow the 76-year-old to wield the axe in a programme of 'radical' cost-cutting at the publisher. It is also behind scores of regional titles including the Manchester Evening News and Liverpool Echo, as well as the OK! celebrity gossip brand. The £400m plan, dubbed 'Project Glass', includes a proposal to slash more than 850 journalists – more than a third of Reach's editorial workforce of 2,300 – and 100 employees in printing and production. In an unfinished draft of a presentation to investors backers, Mr Montgomery signals plans to lean more heavily on artificial intelligence instead, via 'automated content gathering'. Further cuts would be implemented in back office functions including HR and finance, while Reach's commercial headcount would be increased by 40 roles. Other plans outlined in Project Glass include 'sweating' the group's declining print newspaper titles, restructuring and ring-fencing its costly pension deficit, and embarking on an acquisition spree of other news brands. Another mooted £100m acquisition target is Yell, the digital marketing and online directory business that was spun out of the Yellow Pages in 1996. It comes less than three years after Mr Montgomery, long ago nicknamed 'Rommel' by journalists on the grounds that 'Montgomery was on our side', mounted an unsuccessful takeover bid for Reach, which owns a stable of regional titles including the Manchester Evening News and Liverpool Echo. That approach came via National World, the local newspaper group he led at the time. However, the veteran executive was ousted from National World this year after being defeated in a power struggle with Malcolm Denmark, the Irish newspaper tycoon and racehorse owner. Mr Denmark, who was National World's largest shareholder, has now taken it private. Alongside that row, Mr Montgomery mounted an unsuccessful bid for The Telegraph. He was in discussions with Todd Boehly, the chairman of Chelsea Football Club, over a complex transaction that would have used National World as a vehicle for the deal. Mr Boehly has experience as an entertainment industry publisher via his shareholding in the company behind The Hollywood Reporter and Rolling Stone. Mr Montgomery's presentation claims the backers of his Telegraph bid are ready to help bankroll a takeover of Reach with £250m of equity, alongside £150m of debt. Eldridge Industries, Mr Boehly's investment firm, was contacted for comment. Mr Montgomery may also seek to use his own cash following the £65m buyout of National World, which owns The Scotsman and The Yorkshire Post. He held a stake of 7pc, putting him in line for around £4.5m. His latest comeback bid comes at a torrid time for Reach, which has been left chasing dwindling advertising revenues amid a sluggish transition to the digital age. The company last month said it would begin trialling a paywall across its titles amid fears new Google AI tools will dent reader numbers. Reach has slashed hundreds of jobs in recent years in successive rounds of job cuts that have bruised staff morale. It has also faced criticism for its 'clickbait' stories and the deluge of adverts flooding its websites. The company's share price has declined by more than a third this year, leaving its market value at around £220m – a fraction of its £5bn peak in 2005. In the documents, Mr Montgomery criticises Reach's 'underperforming business', saying the circulation of its print newspapers – which still account for more than half of overall revenues – was dropping at a faster rate than those of rivals such as the Daily Mail. He also takes aim at Reach bosses, saying the company's 'pattern of decline has not been met with a tactical or creative response' and that acquisitions and pension top-ups worth more than £1bn over the last decade have 'all been squandered by lack of any organic plan'. Jim Mullen, the former gambling executive who oversaw more than 800 job cuts during his tenure, stepped down as chief executive of Reach earlier this year. He was replaced by Piers North, a former journalist who joined the company in 2014. Mr Montgomery claims his programme of heavy cost-cutting would save £65m per year and help increase profits by 50pc. He outlined plans to boost revenue by transforming Reach into a new digital marketing services giant – a move that he says would generate £200m in new revenues in four years. The strategy also includes a plan to expand Reach's events offering, based on the Pride of Britain brand, and generate half a million subscribers paying £5.99 a month by the end of 2027. Mr Montgomery began his career as a journalist and rose to become the editor of the News of the World before leading Mirror Group Newspapers. He established a foothold in UK regional newspapers in 2012 with the establishment of Local World, which he sold to Reach – then known as Trinity Mirror – three years later. Mr Montgomery then formed National World after snapping up titles from collapsed publisher JPI Media. Mr Montgomery and Reach were contacted for comment. Broaden your horizons with award-winning British journalism. Try The Telegraph free for 1 month with unlimited access to our award-winning website, exclusive app, money-saving offers and more. Sign in to access your portfolio
Los Angeles Times
3 hours ago
- Los Angeles Times
In Trump's redistricting push, Democrats find an aggressive identity and progressives are on board
ATLANTA — Fight! Fight! Fight! It's not just Donald Trump's mantra anymore. As the Republican president pushes states to redraw their congressional districts to the GOP's advantage, Democrats have shown they are willing to go beyond words of outrage and use whatever power they do have to win. Democrats in the Texas Legislature started it off by delaying, for now, Republican efforts to expand the GOP majority in the state's delegation and help preserve party control of the U.S. House through new districts in time for the 2026 midterm elections. Then multiple Democratic governors promised new districts in their own states to neutralize potential Republican gains in Washington. Their counter has been buoyed by national fundraising, media blitzes and public demonstrations, including rallies scheduled around the country Saturday. 'For everyone that's been asking, 'Where are the Democrats?' Well, here they are,' said U.S. Rep. Jasmine Crockett of Texas, one of several Democrats who could be ousted under her state's new maps. 'For everyone who's been asking, 'Where is the fight?' Well, here it is.' There is no guarantee Democrats can prevent the Republican-powered redistricting, just as Democrats on Capitol Hill have not been able to stop Trump's moves. But it's a notable turn for a party that, as its leaders have long asserted, has honored conventional rules and bypassed bare-knuckled political tactics. So far, progressive and establishment Democrats are aligned, uniting what has often been a fragmented opposition since Republicans led by Trump took control of the federal government with their election sweep in November. Leaders on the left say the approach gives them a more effective way to confront him. They can challenge his redistricting ploy with tangible moves as they also counter the Republicans' tax and spending law and press the case that he is shredding American democracy. 'We've been imploring Democrats where they have power on the state and local level to flex that power,' said Maurice Mitchell, who leads the left-leaning Working Families Party. 'There's been this overwrought talk about fighters and largely performative actions to suggest that they're in the fight.' This time, he said, Democrats are 'taking real risks in protecting all of our rights' against 'an authoritarian president who only understands the fight.' Texas made sense for Republicans as the place to start a redistricting scuffle. They dominate the Statehouse, and Gov. Greg Abbott is a Trump loyalist. But when the president's allies announced a new political map intended to send five more Republicans to the U.S. House, state Democratic representatives fled Texas, denying the GOP the numbers to conduct business in the Legislature and approve the reworked districts. Those legislators surfaced in Illinois, New York, California and elsewhere, joined by governors, senators, state party chairs, other states' legislators and activists. All promised action. The response was almost Trumpian. Govs. Gavin Newsom of California, JB Pritzker of Illinois and Kathy Hochul of New York welcomed Texas Democrats and pledged retaliatory redistricting. Pritzker mocked Abbott as a lackey who says 'yes, sir' to Trump orders. Hochul dismissed Texas Republicans as 'lawbreaking cowboys.' Newsom's press office directed all-caps social media posts at Trump, mimicking the president's frequent sign-off: 'THANK YOU FOR YOUR ATTENTION TO THIS MATTER.' U.S. Rep. Al Green, another Texas Democrat who could lose his seat, called Trump 'egomaniacal.' Yet many Democrats also claimed moral high ground, comparing their cause to the civil rights movement. Texas state Rep. Ramon Romero Jr. invoked another Texas Democrat, President Lyndon Johnson, who was 'willing to stand up and fight' for civil rights laws in the 1960s. Then, with Texas bravado, Romero reached further into history: 'We're asking for help, maybe just as they did back in the days of the Alamo.' A recent Associated Press-NORC Center for Public Affairs Research poll found that about 15% of Democrats' own voters described the party using words like 'weak' or 'apathetic.' An additional 10% called it 'ineffective' or 'disorganized.' Beto O'Rourke, a former Texas congressman and onetime Democratic presidential candidate who is raising money to support Texas Democrats, has encouraged Democratic-run statehouses to redraw districts now rather than wait for GOP states to act. On Friday, California Democrats released a plan that could give the party an additional five U.S. House seats. It would require voter approval in a November election. 'Maximize Democratic Party advantage,' O'Rourke said at a recent rally. 'You may say to yourself, 'Well, those aren't the rules.' There are no refs in this game. F— the rules. ... Whatever it takes.' Democratic National Committee Chairman Ken Martin acknowledged the shift. 'This is not the Democratic Party of your grandfather, which would bring a pencil to a knife fight,' he said. Andrew O'Neill, an executive at the progressive group Indivisible, contrasted that response with the record-long speeches by U.S. Sen. Cory Booker (D-N.J.) and the Democratic leader of the House, New York Rep. Hakeem Jeffries, in eviscerating Trump and his package of tax breaks and spending cuts. The left 'had its hair on fire' cheering those moments, O'Neill recalled, but were 'left even more frustrated in the aftermath.' Trump still secured tax cuts for the wealthy, accelerated deportations and cut safety net programs, just as some of his controversial nominees were confirmed over vocal Democratic opposition. 'Now,' O'Neill said, 'there is some marriage of the rhetoric we've been seeing since Trump's inauguration with some actual action.' O'Neill looked back wistfully to the decision by Senate Democrats not to eliminate the filibuster 'when our side had the trifecta,' so a simple majority could pass major legislation. Democratic President Biden's attorney general, Merrick Garland, O'Neill said, was too timid in prosecuting Trump and top associates over the Capitol riot and insurrection. In 2016, Democratic President Obama opted against hardball as the Senate's Republican leader, Mitch McConnell of Kentucky, refused to consider Obama's nomination of Garland to the Supreme Court. McConnell's maneuver gave one additional Supreme Court appointee to the next president — Trump. 'These unspoken rules of propriety, especially on the Democratic side, have created the conditions' that enabled Trump, said Mitchell of the Working Families Party. Even on redistricting, Democrats would have to ignore their previous good-government efforts and bypass independent commissions that draw boundaries in several states, including California. Party leaders and activists rationalize that the broader fights tie together piecemeal skirmishes that may not, by themselves, sway voters. Arguing that Trump diminishes democracy stirs people who already support Democrats, O'Neill said. By contrast, he said, the GOP 'power grab' can be connected to unpopular policies that affect voters' lives. Rep. Green noted that Trump's big package bill cleared the Senate 'by one vote' and the House by a few, demonstrating why redistricting matters. U.S. Rep. Greg Casar of Texas said Democrats must make unseemly, short-term power plays so they can later pass legislation that 'bans gerrymandering nationwide ... bans super PACs [political action committees] and gets rid of that kind of big money and special interest that helped get us to this place.' Rep. Lloyd Doggett (D-Texas) added that a Democratic majority would wield subpoena power over Trump's administration. In the meantime, said Rep. Julie Johnson (D-Texas), voters are grasping a stark reality. 'They say, 'Well, I don't know. Politics doesn't affect me,'' she said of constituents she meets. 'I say, 'Honey, it does. If you don't do politics, politics will do you.'' Barrow writes for the Associated Press.
San Francisco Chronicle
9 hours ago
- San Francisco Chronicle
In Trump's redistricting push, Democrats find an aggressive identity and progressives are on board
ATLANTA (AP) — Fight! Fight! Fight! It's not just Donald Trump's mantra anymore. As the Republican president pushes states to redraw their congressional districts to the GOP's advantage, Democrats have shown they are willing to go beyond words of outrage and use whatever power they do have to win. Democrats in the Texas Legislature started it off by delaying, for now, Republican efforts to expand the GOP majority in the state's delegation and help preserve party control of the U.S. House through new districts in time for the 2026 midterm elections. Then multiple Democratic governors promised new districts in their own states to neutralize potential Republican gains in Washington. Their counter has been buoyed by national fundraising, media blitzes and public demonstrations, including rallies scheduled around the country Saturday. 'For everyone that's been asking, 'Where are the Democrats?' -- well, here they are," said U.S. Rep. Jasmine Crockett of Texas, one of several Democrats who could be ousted under her state's new maps. "For everyone who's been asking, 'Where is the fight?' – well, here it is.' There is no guarantee Democrats can prevent the Republican-powered redistricting, just as Democrats on Capitol Hill has not been able to stop Trump's moves. But it's a notable turn for a party that, by its own leaders' admissions, has honored conventional rules and bypassed bare-knuckled tactics. So far, progressive and establishment Democrats are aligned, uniting what has often been a fragmented opposition since Republicans led by Trump took control of the federal government with their election sweep in November. Leaders on the left say the approach gives them a more effective way to confront him. They can challenge his redistricting ploy with tangible moves as they also push back against the Republicans' tax and spending law and press the case that he is shredding American democracy. 'We've been imploring Democrats where they have power on the state and local level to flex that power,' said Maurice Mitchell, who leads the Working Families Party at the left flank of mainstream U.S. politics. 'There's been this overwrought talk about fighters and largely performative actions to suggest that they're in the fight.' This time, he said, Democrats are 'taking real risks in protecting all of our rights' against 'an authoritarian president who only understands the fight.' Pairing fiery talk with action Texas made sense for Republicans as the place to start a redistricting scuffle. They dominate the Statehouse, and Gov. Greg Abbott is a Trump loyalist. But when the president's allies announced a new political map intended to send five more Republicans to the U.S. House, state Democratic representatives fled Texas, denying the GOP the numbers to conduct business in the Legislature and approve the reworked districts. Those legislators surfaced in Illinois, New York, California and elsewhere, joined by governors, senators, state party chairs, other states' legislators and activists. All promised action. The response was Trumpian. Govs. Gavin Newsom of California, JB Pritzker of Illinois and Kathy Hochul of New York welcomed Texas Democrats and pledged retaliatory redistricting. Pritzker mocked Abbott as a lackey who says 'yes, sir' to Trump orders. Hochul dismissed Texas Republicans as 'lawbreaking cowboys.' Newsom's press office directed all-caps social media posts at Trump, mimicking his signature sign off: 'THANK YOU FOR YOUR ATTENTION TO THIS MATTER.' U.S. Rep. Al Green, another Texas Democrat who could lose his seat, called Trump 'egomaniacal.' Yet many Democrats also claimed moral high ground, comparing their cause to the Civil Rights Movement. State Rep. Ramon Romero Jr., invoked another Texas Democrat, President Lyndon Johnson, who was 'willing to stand up and fight' for civil rights laws in the 1960s. Then, with Texas bravado, Romero reached further into history: 'We're asking for help, maybe just as they did back in the days of the Alamo.' 'Whatever it takes' A recent Associated Press-NORC Center for Public Affairs Research poll found that about 15% of Democrats' own voters described the party using words like 'weak' or 'apathetic.' An additional 10% called it 'ineffective' or 'disorganized.' Beto O'Rourke, a former Texas congressman who is raising money to support Texas Democrats, has encouraged Democratic-run statehouses to redraw districts now rather than wait for GOP states to act. On Friday, California Democrats released a plan that would give the party an additional five U.S. House seats. It would require voter approval in a November election. 'Maximize Democratic Party advantage,' O'Rourke said at a recent rally. 'You may say to yourself, 'Well, those aren't the rules.' There are no refs in this game. F--- the rules. ... Whatever it takes.' Democratic National Committee Chairman Ken Martin acknowledged the shift. 'This is not the Democratic Party of your grandfather, which would bring a pencil to a knife fight,' he said. Andrew O'Neill, an executive at the progressive group Indivisible, contrasted that response with the record-long speeches by U.S. Sen. Cory Booker, D-N.J. and the Democratic leader of the U.S. House, New York Rep. Hakeem Jeffries, in eviscerating Trump and his package of tax breaks and spending cuts. The left 'had its hair on fire' cheering those moments, O'Neill recalled, but were 'left even more frustrated in the aftermath.' Trump still secured tax cuts for the wealthy, accelerated deportations and cut safety net programs, just as some of his controversial nominees were confirmed over vocal Democratic opposition. 'Now,' O'Neill said, 'there is some marriage of the rhetoric we've been seeing since Trump's inauguration with some actual action.' O'Neill looked back wistfully to the decision by Senate Democrats not to eliminate the filibuster 'when our side had the trifecta,' so a simple majority could pass major legislation. Democratic President Joe Biden's attorney general, Merrick Garland, he said, was too timid in prosecuting Trump and top associates over the Capitol riot. In 2016, Democratic President Barack Obama opted against hardball as the Senate's Republican leader, Mitch McConnell of Kentucky, refused to consider Obama's nomination of Garland to the Supreme Court. 'These unspoken rules of propriety, especially on the Democratic side, have created the conditions' that enabled Trump, Mitchell said. Fighting on all fronts Even on redistricting, Democrats would have to ignore their previous good-government efforts and bypass independent commissions that draw boundaries in several states, including California. Party leaders and activists rationalize that the broader fights tie together piecemeal skirmishes that may not, by themselves, sway voters. Arguing that Trump diminishes democracy stirs people who already support Democrats, O'Neill said. By contrast, he said, the GOP 'power grab,' can be connected to unpopular policies that affect voters' lives. Green noted that Trump's big package bill cleared the Senate 'by one vote' and the House by a few, demonstrating why redistricting matters. U.S. Rep. Greg Casar of Texas said Democrats must make unseemly, short-term power plays so they can later pass legislation that 'bans gerrymandering nationwide ... bans super PACs (political action committees) and gets rid of that kind of big money and special interest that helped get us to this place.' U.S. Rep. Lloyd Doggett, D-Texas, added that a Democratic majority would wield subpoena power over Trump's administration. In the meantime, said U.S. Rep. Julie Johnson, D-Texas, voters are grasping a stark reality.
