MAGA Influencers Don't Understand What Journalism Is
Defending mainstream journalism these days is about as appealing as doing PR for syphilis. Nonetheless, here I am. Back in February, Attorney General Pam Bondi invited a group of MAGA influencers to the White House to receive what was billed as 'Phase 1' of the government's files on Jeffrey Epstein, the wealthy sex offender who died in jail in 2019. The 15 handpicked newshounds included Jack Posobiec, promoter of the Pizzagate conspiracy theory; Chaya Raichik, whose Libs of TikTok social-media account itemizes every single American schoolteacher with blue hair and wacky pronouns; and the comedian Chad Prather, performer of the parody song 'Beat That Ass,' about the secret to good parenting. Also present was DC_Draino, whose name is a promise to unclog the sewers of the nation's capital.
The chosen ones duly emerged bearing ring binders and smug expressions—only to discover that most of the information that the government had fed them had already been made public. Several of the influencers have since complained that the Trump administration had given them recycled information. They couldn't seem to understand why White House officials treated them like idiots. I can help with this one. That's because they think you are idiots.
[Read: Trump's Epstein answers are getting worse]
The harsh but simple truth is that powerful people, including President Donald Trump, do not freely hand out information that will make them look bad. If a politician, PR flak, or government official is telling you something, assume that they're lying to you or spinning or—at best—coincidentally telling you the truth because it will damage their enemies. 'We were told that more was coming,' Posobiec complained, but professional commentators should be embarrassed about waiting for the authorities to bless them with scoops. That's not how things work. You have to go and find things out. Reporters do not content themselves with 'just asking questions'—the internet conspiracist's favored formulation. They gather evidence, check facts, and then decide what they are confident is true. They don't just blast out everything that lands on their desk, in a 'kill 'em all, let God sort 'em out' kind of way.
That's because some conspiracy theories turn out to involve actual conspiracies, and the skill is separating the imagined schemes from the real ones. Cover-ups do happen. In Britain, where I live, the public has recently learned for certain that a military source accidentally leaked an email list of hundreds of Afghans who cooperated with Western forces, possibly exposing them to blackmail or reprisals. The leak prompted our government to start spending billions to secretly relocate some of the affected Afghans and their families. All the while, British media outlets—which are subject to far greater legal restrictions on publication than their American counterparts—were barred from reporting not only the contents of the leaked list, but its very existence. Several news organizations expended significant time and money getting that judgment overturned in court.
Earlier this month, the government released a memo declaring that the Department of Justice and the FBI had determined that 'no further disclosure would be appropriate or warranted' in the Epstein case. Since then, Trump-friendly influencers have struggled to supply their audience's demands for more Epstein content while preserving their continued access to the White House, which wants them to stop talking about the story altogether. Because these commentators define themselves through skepticism of 'approved narratives' and decry their enemies as 'regime mouthpieces,' their newfound trust in the establishment has been heartwarming to see.
Some of the same people who used to cast doubts about the government's handling of the Epstein case are now running that government. 'If you're a journalist and you're not asking questions about this case you should be ashamed of yourself,' J. D. Vance tweeted in December 2021. 'What purpose do you even serve?'
I would be intrigued to hear a response to that challenge from Dinesh D'Souza, who said on July 15 that 'even though there are unanswered questions about Epstein, it is in fact time to move on.' Or from Charlie Kirk, who said a day earlier: 'I'm done talking about Epstein for the time being. I'm gonna trust my friends in the administration. I'm gonna trust my friends in the government.' Or from Scott Adams, the Dilbert creator, who wrote: 'Must be some juicy and dangerous stuff in those files. But I don't feel the need to be a backseat driver on this topic. Four leaders I trust said it's time to let it go.' (For what it's worth, some influencers, such as Tucker Carlson, have refused to accept the Trump administration's official line that there's nothing to see here. I'm not alone in thinking this reflects a desire to outflank anyone tainted by, you know, actual government experience when competing for the affections of the MAGA base in 2028.)
For all right-wing influencers' claims of an establishment cover-up, most of the publicly known facts about the Epstein case come from major news outlets. In the late 2000s, when few people were paying attention, The New York Times faithfully chronicled Epstein's suspiciously lenient plea deal—in which multiple accusations of sexual assault on teenage girls were reduced to lesser prostitution charges—under classically dull headlines such as 'Questions of Preferential Treatment Are Raised in Florida Sex Case' and 'Amid Lurid Accusations, Fund Manager Is Unruffled.' After Epstein's second arrest, the paper reported on how successfully he had been able to rehabilitate himself from his first brush with the law, prompting awkward questions for Bill Gates, Prince Andrew, and other famous faces.
Epstein's second arrest might not have happened at all without the work of Julie Brown of the Miami Herald. She doggedly reported on how Trump's first-term labor secretary, Alexander Acosta, had overseen the plea deal when he was a U.S. attorney in Florida. She found 80 alleged victims—she now thinks there might have been 200—and persuaded four to speak on the record. Around the time that Epstein was wrapping up a light prison sentence in 2009, newsroom cuts at the Herald had forced Brown to take a 15 percent pay reduction. Sometimes she paid her own reporting expenses.
[Listen: The razor-thin line between conspiracy theory and actual conspiracy]
Over the past two decades, the decline of classified advertising, along with the rise of social media, has left America with far fewer Julie Browns and far more DC_Drainos. This does not feel like progress. The shoe-leather reporters of traditional newspapers and broadcasters have largely given way to a class of influencers who are about as useful as a marzipan hammer in the boring job of establishing facts. In May, Trump's press secretary, Karoline Leavitt, scheduled a series of special influencers-only briefings, and I watched them all—surely reducing my future time in purgatory. None of the questions generated a single interesting news story.
In recent days, while MAGA influencers have muttered online about the release of camera footage from outside Epstein's cell on the night of his death, Wired magazine found experts to review the video's metadata, establishing that it had been edited, and a section had been removed. Yesterday, The Wall Street Journal—whose conservative opinion pages make its news reporting harder for the right to dismiss—published details of a 50th-birthday message to Epstein allegedly signed by Trump in 2003. The future president reportedly included a hand-drawn picture of a naked woman and told the financier, 'May every day be another wonderful secret.' (Trump has described this as a 'fake story,' adding: 'I never wrote a picture in my life.' In fact, Trump has donated a number of his drawings to charity auctions.)
Legacy news outlets sometimes report things that turn out not to be true: Saddam Hussein's imaginary WMDs, the University of Virginia rape story. But that's because they do reporting. It's easier not to fail when you don't even try.
We now have a ridiculous situation where influencers who bang on about the mainstream media are reduced to relying on these outlets for things to talk about. Worse, because no issue can ever be settled as a factual matter, the alternative media is a perpetual-motion machine of speculation. MAGA influencers want the truth, but ignore the means of discovering it.
At the heart of the Epstein story is a real conspiracy, as squalid and mundane as real life usually is. The staff members who enabled Epstein; the powerful friends who ignored his crimes; and the prosecutors who downgraded the charges back in the late '00s. If the Epstein scandal teaches us anything, it is that America needs a dedicated and decently funded group of people whose job is not just to ask questions, but to find answers. Let's call them journalists.
Article originally published at The Atlantic
Hashtags

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles


Newsweek
18 minutes ago
- Newsweek
Donald Trump's Approval Among Gen Z Hits Second Term Low
Based on facts, either observed and verified firsthand by the reporter, or reported and verified from knowledgeable sources. Newsweek AI is in beta. Translations may contain inaccuracies—please refer to the original content. Support for President Donald Trump among Generation Z voters has plunged to its lowest level since he returned to the White House, according to new polling. The latest CBS/YouGov survey, conducted between July 16-18 among 2,343 adults, found just 28 percent of voters aged 18 to 29 now approve of Trump's performance, while 72 percent disapprove—a net approval rating of -44, down from -20 in early June and -12 in late April. Morning Consult's latest poll, conducted between July 18-20 among 2,202 registered voters, also put Trump's approval rating among Gen Z at an all-time low, with 71 percent disapproving of his job performance, compared with just 24 percent who approve of it. That gives him a net approval rating of -47. President Donald Trump addresses the crowd as he prepares to sign the GENIUS Act, a bill that regulates stablecoins, a type of cryptocurrency, in the East Room of the White House, Friday, July 18, 2025,... President Donald Trump addresses the crowd as he prepares to sign the GENIUS Act, a bill that regulates stablecoins, a type of cryptocurrency, in the East Room of the White House, Friday, July 18, 2025, in Washington. More Alex Brandon/AP Why It Matters In the 2024 election, Trump made inroads with young voters, narrowing the Democrats' traditional lead among Gen Z—a group that has typically leaned left in recent cycles. According to AP VoteCast, voters ages 18 to 29 supported Kamala Harris over Trump by just 51 percent to 47 percent. By comparison, in 2020, Joe Biden carried the same age group by a much wider margin, winning 61 percent to Trump's 36 percent. Now, that shift appears to be reversing among a generation that had showed signs of warming to Trump's populist messaging. What To Know The CBS/YouGov data showed that the collapse in support for Trump among Gen Z voters has been both sharp and steady. By late February, it had slipped to 51 percent, with disapproval at 49 percent—a modest but narrowing lead. That equilibrium held through March. But April brought a dramatic downturn, with approval plunging to 43 percent by mid-month and 44 percent by April 25. Disapproval climbed in parallel, hitting 57 percent and 56 percent, respectively. By June 6, Trump's approval stood at just 40 percent, and by mid-July, support among Gen Z cratered at 28 percent—the lowest of his second term to date. Gen Z Turns on Trump Over Economy and Inflation The data also reveal an accelerating erosion of confidence in Trump's handling of core policy issues—especially among a generation hit hard by economic precarity and rising living costs. On the economy, Gen Z voters gave Trump a net rating of +4 in late February. That number fell to zero in March, -26 in early April and -42 by July 18. Discontent over inflation has grown even more severe. In February, Trump's net inflation approval rating was -10. By April, it had dropped to -38. As of July 18, it sits at -46, meaning fewer than one in four Gen Z voters likely approve of his handling of the issue. It comes as annual inflation rose 2.7 percent in June, up from 2.4 percent in May, according to the Consumer Price Index (CPI). The latest polling also sheds light on the growing breadth of disapproval among young voters. Nearly half (49 percent) of Gen Z respondents say Trump's policies are responsible for the current state of the economy, while just 14 percent blame Biden's policies. Sixty-two percent now believe the economy is getting worse, up from 48 percent in June. And more than half (58 percent) now say Trump's policies have made them personally worse off financially. When asked about specific economic concerns, 70 percent of Gen Z voters say Trump is not focusing enough on lowering the cost of goods and services. Seventy-two percent say he is focusing too much on tariffs, which many blame for rising prices. Food costs continue to be a major source of frustration, with 68 percent saying grocery prices are still rising under Trump's second term. Immigration Crackdown Backfires Among Young Voters Trump's immigration crackdown has also lost favor. After briefly climbing into positive territory in March (+2), Trump's immigration approval fell to -16 in April, -12 in June, and -40 in the most recent survey. Throughout his second term, Trump has aggressively expanded immigration enforcement—launching mass deportation operations, increasing raids in sanctuary cities and reviving thousands of old deportation cases. Unlawful crossings at the southern border hit a historic low last month, and Trump has secured billions in additional funding for border security and expanded enforcement operations. His administration has also dramatically scaled up detention capacity, allocating $45 billion to expand ICE facilities and construct large-scale temporary camps, including a facility in Florida nicknamed "Alligator Alcatraz." But while Trump has continued to push the hardline immigration agenda that helped him win support in 2024, new polls indicate that backing for those policies is fading across other demographic groups. Gallup polling this month shows that 30 percent of Americans now say immigration levels should be reduced, down from 55 percent in 2024. Support for maintaining or increasing immigration has risen across the board, including among Republicans. More broadly, the number of Americans who view immigration as a "good thing" has reached an all-time high of 79 percent, the same poll shows, reversing a steady decline during Joe Biden's presidency and surpassing sentiment levels from Trump's first term. But among Gen Z, the backlash extends beyond economic and immigration policy. According to the YouGov/CBS polling, 71 percent of Gen Z voters disapprove of Trump's signature legislative package, the "Big Beautiful Bill Act," which critics say prioritizes tax cuts for the wealthy while slashing safety-net programs. And in one of the sharpest rebukes yet, 84 percent disapprove of the Trump administration's handling of the Jeffrey Epstein files—the highest disapproval on that issue among any age group.

Politico
20 minutes ago
- Politico
RNC chair Michael Whatley to run for Senate in North Carolina with Trump's support
Lara Trump, who the president had previously asked to run, has decided to remain as host of her weekly show on Fox News. She is expected to back Whatley, with whom she co-chaired the RNC last year, and the two will likely appear together in the near future, according to the people, who were granted anonymity to discuss the plans in advance. A public announcement is expected in the next week to 10 days, they said. Trump is optimistic that Whatley, who ran the state party in North Carolina before becoming RNC chair, has the knowledge of the state, the national profile and the network of relationships to mount a strong campaign to replace Tillis, who announced his retirement last month after opposing the sweeping domestic policy agenda bill backed by the president. Whatley was elected RNC chair in March 2024 and led the party alongside Lara Trump to sweeping victories up and down the ballot in last year's elections. Republicans believe Whatley's connections with donors will be an asset in what will likely be one of the most expensive races in next year's elections. 'The president feels Whatley has earned his shot,' said one of the people familiar with his plans. Trump is expected to announce Whatley's replacement at the RNC around the time he announces his Senate campaign. Democrats are targeting North Carolina as a potential pickup opportunity in a map that otherwise favors Republicans. Cooper, the popular former two-term governor, is expected to launch his campaign as soon as Monday. Trump is aware the North Carolina seat will be 'an uphill battle for any Republican,' one person said, and recognizes that Cooper will be a tough opponent. Trump's endorsement of Whatley will likely prevent a messy primary in a state Trump won in the past three presidential elections. North Carolina Rep. Pat Harrigan has previously said he would endorse Lara Trump if she decided to run, while Rep. Richard Hudson has ruled out a Senate bid.


The Hill
20 minutes ago
- The Hill
Ukraine's Zelenskyy promises safeguards after street protests over a new anti-corruption law
KYIV, Ukraine (AP) — Opponents of a new law they say strips Ukraine's anti-corruption watchdogs of their independence called for a third straight day of street protests across the country Thursday, despite President Volodymyr Zelenskyy's attempts to defuse the tension with promises of legislative safeguards. After meeting with the heads of Ukraine's key anti-corruption and security agencies, Zelenskyy promised to act on their recommendations by presenting a bill to Parliament that strengthens the rule of law. 'And very importantly: all the norms for the independence of anti-corruption institutions will be in place,' Zelenskyy said in his nightly video address late Wednesday. Zelenskyy acknowledged the controversy triggered by the new corruption law, which also drew rebukes from European Union officials and international rights groups. 'It's not falling on deaf ears,' Zelenskyy said of the complaints. 'We've analyzed all the concerns, all the aspects of what needs to be changed and what needs to be stepped up.' However, he didn't promise to revoke the law that he approved. The legislation that was adopted this week, despite pleas for Zelenskyy to veto it, tightened government oversight of two key anti-corruption agencies. Critics said the step could significantly weaken the independence of those agencies and give Zelenskyy's circle greater influence over investigations. The protests haven't called for Zelenskyy's ouster. But the first major anti-government demonstrations since the war began come at a tough time for Ukraine in its three-year battle to thwart Russia's invasion. Russia's bigger army is accelerating its efforts to pierce Ukraine's front-line defenses and is escalating its bombardment of Ukrainian cities. Ukraine is also facing a question mark over whether the United States will provide more military aid and whether European commitments can take up the slack, with no end to the war in sight. Delegations from Russia and Ukraine met in Istanbul for a third round of talks in as many months Wednesday. But once again the talks were brief and delivered no major breakthrough. Zelenskyy had insisted earlier Wednesday that the new legal framework was needed to crack down harder on corruption. Fighting entrenched corruption is crucial for Ukraine's aspirations to join the EU and maintain access to billions of dollars in Western aid in the war. 'Criminal cases should not drag on for years without verdicts, and those working against Ukraine must not feel comfortable or immune from punishment,' he said. Meanwhile, Russian planes dropped two powerful glide bombs on the center of Kharkiv, Ukraine's second-largest city, on Thursday morning, regional Gov. Oleh Syniehubov said. At least 16 people were injured, including a 10-year-old girl who suffered an acute stress reaction, he said. The southern Ukrainian city of Odesa and Cherkasy in central Ukraine were also hit overnight, authorities said. The drone and missile strikes on the cities injured 11 people, including a 9-year-old, and damaged historic landmarks and residential buildings, officials said. Ukraine has sought to step up its own long-range drone attacks on Russia, using domestic technology and manufacturing. An overnight Ukrainian drone attack on the Russian Black Sea resort of Sochi killed two women and injured 11 other people, local authorities said Thursday. An oil depot was hit, officials said, without offering details.