Russia and Ukraine swap more prisoners after Istanbul talks
Russia and Ukraine exchanged more captured soldiers on Friday, June 20, the latest in a series of prisoner swaps agreed at peace talks in Istanbul earlier this month. The negotiations failed to make progress towards a ceasefire but both countries agreed to free more than 1,000 prisoners of war from each side – all wounded, ill or under 25 years old.
"A group of Russian servicemen was returned from the territory controlled by the Kyiv regime. In exchange, a group of Ukrainian prisoners of war was handed over," Russia's defense ministry said in a statement. An AFP reporter saw freed Ukrainian prisoners of war being greeted by tearful relatives after stepping off a bus.
Ukraine's President Volodymyr Zelensky said most of the Ukrainians freed in the swap had been in Russian captivity "for over two years." Neither side said how many soldiers had been freed in Friday's swap.
Moscow posted a video of Russian soldiers in military fatigues, chanting "Russia, Russia" with Russian flags draped over them. Zelensky shared images of Ukrainian soldiers, with shaved heads and in the blue-and-yellow national flag, weeping as they called relatives.
The two sides have carried out dozens of such exchanges since Russia invaded in 2022 in one of the only areas of dialogue between Moscow and Kyiv. Two rounds of peace talks in Istanbul have failed to result in a pause to the fighting. Russia has rejected calls for an unconditional ceasefire, vowing to press on with its three-year invasion. It is demanding Kyiv cede more territory and give up on Western military support as a precondition to a truce.
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France 24
an hour ago
- France 24
Samaranch Senior -- controversial diplomat who saved the Olympics
Samaranch Senior -- whose son of the same name finished runner-up to Coventry in the IOC presidential election in March -- did, like Coventry, serve in a controversial regime prior to being elected in 1980. While Coventry has been sports and arts minister in a Zimbabwean government whose election in 2023 was declared unfair and undemocratic by international observers, Samaranch served at a high level in the fascist Spanish regime of General Francisco Franco. His IOC presidency, which ran from 1980-2001, will for some be forever overshadowed by the 'votes for favours' scandal surrounding the 2002 Salt Lake City Winter Olympics. However, to other more measured voices he is the saviour of the Games who transformed it from a movement at risk of extinction into a vibrant and financially healthy behemoth. "His legacy is that we have an Olympic Games to talk about," former IOC marketing executive Terrence Burns told AFP. "He saved it from financial and political ruin." Samaranch Senior's earlier career exercised many people when he was IOC chief. After Franco's death and the restoration of the monarchy, Samaranch Senior went on to be ambassador to the Soviet Union. "I recognised that my political career in Spain was over," said Samaranch Senior, who always insisted he was not a fascist. It was in Moscow at the 1980 Games, overshadowed by a boycott because of the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan, that he was elected president of the IOC. The IOC members' faith in him was more than repaid. "Within the IOC I think the Samaranch legacy is fully understood: that he saved the Olympic Movement," former IOC marketing chief Michael Payne told AFP. His success was developing "the business model", which included a TV strategy and "the creation of the TOP programme, the most successful (sports) marketing programme ever," he added. Payne worked closely with him and said he was a different personality to his son in that he was "more a listener" than Samaranch Junior, who is a "great communicator." "He was very introverted, a great listener, didn't do a lot of talking, and a great strategic thinker," said Payne. "But because he wasn't at the forefront, communicating and explaining, he was often misunderstood. "He only learned English as his third or fourth language when he was 60." 'I cannot regret' Payne said Samaranch's leadership shone through during the Salt Lake City scandal. Six members were to be expelled and Samaranch also oversaw a series of reforms to prevent a repeat of the situation. "He was calm under unbelievable pressure and stress," said the 66-year-old Irishman. "Honestly, you went to the office every day and you didn't know if the organisation would survive... And that was for three months. "It was brutal. And yet, Samaranch Senior displayed absolute calm, focus." Nevertheless Samaranch, in a rare moment of letting the mask slip, revealed the effect of what Payne described as "personal attacks". "Retiring myself after the Barcelona Games (in 1992), I could have been a hero, no?" he told the Los Angeles Times in 2000. "I cannot regret. I have to write my history again." Payne said despite his diplomatic background Samaranch could play hardball. One incident occurred when Greece refused to allow the Olympic torch to be lit ahead of the 1984 Games in Los Angeles, as they objected to the commercialisation of the event. "Samaranch sent one of his relatives to Olympia to privately film the lighting of the flame, put it in a miner's lamp, and brought it back to Lausanne," said Payne. "Then Samaranch called the Greeks and said, 'just for you to understand, I now have the Olympic flame on my desk. "'Either you will agree to let the Americans come and properly light it or there will never be another torch lighting in Olympia. Because it will be lit at the Olympic Museum in Lausanne.' "So he wasn't shy of being very tough." © 2025 AFP
Euronews
2 hours ago
- Euronews
Von der Leyen's return as China hawk ends talk of diplomatic reset
Summer has arrived in Brussels with a new trend: the doves are out, the hawks are in. After weeks of telegraphing signs towards a diplomatic rapprochement with China, or at least a thaw, Ursula von der Leyen made an abrupt volte face at the G7 summit with a broadside attack against Beijing's "pattern of dominance, dependency and blackmail" vis-à-vis its trading partners, including the European Union and the United States. "China has largely shown its unwillingness to live within the constraints of the rules-based international system," von der Leyen said in her intervention. "While others opened their market, China focused on undercutting intellectual property protections, massive subsidies with the aim to dominate global manufacturing and supply chains," she went on. "This is not market competition – it is distortion with intent." The president of the European Commission declared, point blank, that the source of "the biggest collective problem" in the global trading system lay in China's accession to the World Trade Organization (WTO) in 2001. Beijing's entry into the WTO has been highly controversial as it opened international markets to a wave of low-cost exports. The admission is linked to the so-called "China shock" and a decline in manufacturing jobs in both the EU and the US. At the G7 summit, von der Leyen warned a "new China shock" was underway. It was a gloves-off denunciation that laid bare the state of mind of the Commission chief, her mounting displeasure and exasperation. In many ways, it was a return to the hawkish stance of her first mandate, during which she famously promoted the concept of "de-risking" to slash vulnerable dependencies that China could exploit. Beijing was quick to hit back at von der Leyen's invective. Guo Jiakun, the spokesperson of the Chinese Foreign Affairs Ministry, called her remarks "baseless" and "biased". Guo, however, did not miss the chance to offer a new olive branch. "China stands ready to increase communication and coordination with the EU, properly handle trade differences, and achieve win-win and shared prosperity," he said. "That said, we firmly oppose any attempt to hurt China's right to development or even assert one's own interests at China's expense." The reset that never was The conciliatory attempt fits in with Beijing's "charm offensive", as diplomats call it, towards the bloc in response to the disruptive policies of US President Donald Trump, who has imposed punitive tariffs on allies and adversaries alike. Sensing an impending rupture in the Western alliance, China has made several overtures to curry favour with Brussels, including lifting controversial sanctions on lawmakers, ahead of a much-anticipated EU-China summit in late July. Last month, Chinese President Xi Jinping hailed the 50th anniversary of bilateral relations as an opportunity to "open up a brighter future" in diplomacy. Von der Leyen replied: "We remain committed to deepening our partnership with China. A balanced relationship, built on fairness and reciprocity, is in our common interest." But in her G7 intervention, delivered with Trump in the room, this commitment was conspicuous by its absence. Instead, she let the hawk fly free and wild. At the core of her speech was Beijing's recent decision to restrict the sales of seven rare earth materials, which she said amounted to "weaponising" trade. China holds a quasi-monopolistic position over rare earths, the 17 metallic elements that are essential for building cutting-edge technologies. The country commands roughly 60% of the world's supply and 90% of the processing and refining capacity. Although the restrictions have eased in recent days, von der Leyen cautioned "the threat remains" and called on the G7 to close ranks to pile extra pressure on China. Rare earths are just the tip of an iceberg made up of commercial disputes that have driven a stark wedge between Brussels and Beijing. The past few years have seen the bloc impose steep duties on China-made electric vehicles, exclude Chinese companies from public tenders of medical devices, label Huawei and ZTE as "high-risk suppliers" of 5G networks, and launch investigations into suspicious uses of industrial subsidies. Brussels has also accused Beijing of engaging in large-scale campaigns of foreign information manipulations and interference (known as FIMI), hacking into state agencies, fuelling military tensions in the Taiwan Strait, violating the human rights of the Uyghur population and acting as the "key enabler" of Russia's invasion of Ukraine. Despite loud pleas from Europeans, Xi Jinping has doubled down on his "no-limits" partnership with Vladimir Putin, causing dismay and outrage across the continent. By offering no significant concessions and sticking to its long-standing practices, China has missed the opportunity offered by von der Leyen after Trump's inauguration, says Noah Barkin, a visiting senior fellow at the German Marshall Fund. "Von der Leyen's unvarnished criticisms of China at the G7 summit are a response to Beijing's intransigence. Unless China shows a willingness to address Europe's concerns, the summit in July is unlikely to produce any deliverables of substance," Barkin said. "The likelihood is that tensions between the EU and China will continue to grow. The closing of the US market to Chinese products will lead to a diversion of exports into Europe, increasing the threat to European industry. And the withdrawal of US support for Ukraine will turn China's support for Russia into an even bigger problem for Europe." Keeping it real Although von der Leyen has earned plaudits for her clear-eyed, matter-of-fact assessment of EU-China relations, her views have not become universally accepted by member states, the true guardians of political power. In April, Spanish Prime Minister Pedro Sánchez flew to Beijing, held a bilateral meeting with President Xi and made a plea to turn the page on the confrontational approach. "Spain is in favour of more balanced relations between the European Union and China, of finding negotiated solutions to our differences, which we have, and of greater cooperation in areas of common interest," Sánchez said. The Spaniard's words immediately caught the attention of Brussels and sent speculation of a diplomatic reset into overdrive. But Alicja Bachulska, a policy fellow at the European Council on Foreign Relations (ECFR), says the buzzy discourse was never credible. "Hopes of a possible reset, if any, were mostly projected by those who do not see eye-to-eye with von der Leyen's Commission," Bachulska told Euronews. "This Commission seems quite consistent in explaining its approach towards China and how it sees the threats, the challenges, and the very limited opportunities for cooperation with China under current conditions." Politics, of course, come with economics attached. For many countries, particularly those export-oriented, China remains an extraordinarily valuable market of 1.4 billion people, despite the multiple obstacles and hurdles that European companies face when doing business. With Trump threatening a whopping 50% tariff on the bloc if trade talks fail, having a cushion to fall onto is considered indispensable to avoid – or at least mitigate – the potential ravaging impact. Trade will be at the very top of the agenda at the EU-China summit, with both sides looking forward to having something to announce. Brussels is keen to put an end to China's probes into brandy, pork and dairy products, which it considers unjustified. But as the date nears, hopes for a trade breakthrough that can make a tangible difference on the ground and relieve some of the tensions are fading, as von der Leyen's hardened tone at the G7 demonstrated. "It's about being realistic: we still see China as a partner, competitor and rival," a senior diplomat said, speaking on condition of anonymity. "We have to be perhaps more confident about our interests, what we can do to pursue them better, but also act when actions are taken that threaten the stability of our continent." A diplomat from another country kept a cool head to lower expectations ahead of the summit, arguing China's alliance with Russia and campaigns of foreign interference remain "serious" and "disturbing" factors with no sign of improvement. "If you want to really deepen ties with us, that's impossible if, at the same time, you behave like this," the diplomat said. "The EU needs to stand up for its own interests, no matter who's in the White House."
Euronews
3 hours ago
- Euronews
Romania's new president nominates centre-right former mayor as PM
Romania's new pro-Western president, Nicusor Dan, on Friday nominated a centre-right former mayor to be prime minister. The nomination comes as Romania, a European Union and NATO member state, seeks to usher in a new government to end a protracted political crisis that has gripped the nation since last year. Dan nominated 56-year-old Ilie Bolojan of the centre-right National Liberal Party, or PNL, after a fresh round of talks Friday following weeks of deliberations. Bolojan had previously served as acting president from February to May, when Dan defeated a hard-right opponent in a heated presidential election rerun. The closely watched vote came months after the previous election was annulled by a top court, which plunged Romania into a deep political crisis. Dan described Bolojan as the 'most suitable person' for the job, which includes tackling a budget crisis. 'It is in Romania's interest for the government to be supported by a solid majority, and the parties have understood this,' he said. 'Romania's urgent priority is economic recovery, but ... you need a solid foundation.' Nomination will need to be approved by lawmakers Bolojan's nomination will need to be approved by parliament, and his government is expected to be comprised of the leftist Social Democratic Party, or PSD, the PNL, the reformist Save Romania Union party, and the small ethnic Hungarian UDMR party. The PSD has pushed for a power-sharing agreement that would see a rotation of the prime ministerial post. Responding to his nomination, Bolojan said he's 'fully aware of the great responsibility' the role will bring and acknowledged it 'will not be an easy undertaking.' 'I will continue discussions with political parties to secure a parliamentary majority, finalise the government, and define the governing program,' he said. 'I will pursue three priorities: to restore order to the country's finances, to work toward good governance that creates conditions for development in Romania, and ... to show proper respect to the Romanian people.' Reducing Romania's considerable budget deficit—one of the greatest in the 27-nation EU bloc—will be one of the main challenges facing a new government. Deep social divisions in the nation were also made clear by the controversies that surrounded the presidential election. According to Cristian Andrei, a Bucharest-based political consultant, the new government will face the challenge of reaching a longer-term consensus over already delayed state reforms. 'There is only a disputed agreement on very short-term measures for the economic and budget crisis,' he told The Associated Press. 'If the short-term measures come with a social cost, inflation ... (and) will not be met by profound changes in policies and institutions, then the political crisis will loom over the next years and (future) elections.' In the wake of the May presidential election, Bolojan, acting as president, named PNL's Catalin Predoiu to lead the cabinet after Marcel Ciolacu resigned when his coalition's candidate did not advance to the runoff.
