SCCI highlights agribusiness expertise at Saudi Mango Festival
SCCI delegation and festival participation
Organised by the Ministry of Environment, Water, and Agriculture's Jazan branch, the festival featured the participation of 60 farmers. Representing the Sharjah Chamber was the Organising Committee of the Khorfakkan-based annual Mango Festival. The delegation was led by Khalil Mohammed Al Mansouri, Director of Expo Center Khorfakkan, and included several committee members.
Supporting agricultural sector collaboration
The move comes as part of SCCI's commitment to fostering collaboration and knowledge exchange in the agricultural sector—a cornerstone of food security and sustainable development.
Strategic goals and regional engagement
Khalil Al Mansouri noted that the Chamber's participation aligns with its strategic goals to support agricultural events across the Gulf and promote the Khorfakkan Mango Festival as a key agritourism event.
Knowledge exchange and partnership building
As part of its participation, the Sharjah Chamber delegation engaged with farmers' exhibits to learn about Saudi Arabia's agricultural event expertise. They explored best practices in cultivation, production, and marketing, and discussed potential strategic partnerships to strengthen agricultural trade between the UAE and Saudi Arabia.
Highlighting festival activities and innovation
The delegation also attended exhibitions showcasing mango varieties and other tropical fruits such as papaya, banana, fig, guava, and custard apple. The festival featured workshops and seminars focused on boosting crop quality, yield, and addressing challenges in the farming sector.
Hashtags
Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles
Arabian Post
12 hours ago
- Arabian Post
UAE Pushes for Trade Deal to Counteract U.S. Metal Tariffs
Arabian Post Staff -Dubai The United Arab Emirates and the United States are preparing to initiate negotiations for a potential bilateral trade agreement aimed at reducing or eliminating tariffs imposed during President Donald Trump's administration on UAE steel and aluminium exports. These tariffs include a baseline 10% duty and a specific 25% tariff on steel and aluminium—which the Trump administration plans to double to 50%. The UAE, whose steel and aluminium are significant non-oil exports and accounted for 8% of U.S. steel and aluminium consumption in 2024, is looking to leverage its history of swiftly concluded trade deals with nations such as India, Turkey, and Australia. While the U.S. may pursue a limited agreement rather than a full free trade pact, it is expected to be labeled a Comprehensive Economic Partnership Agreement , consistent with the UAE's past trade deals. ADVERTISEMENT The UAE, Washington's largest trade partner in the Middle East with $34.4 billion in bilateral trade in 2024, is also a major U.S. investor and security ally, hosting American troops and planning $1.4 trillion in future U.S. investments. Both sides reportedly responded positively to the idea during Trump's recent visit to Abu Dhabi, though a timeline for formal talks remains unclear. The Trump administration's decision to double tariffs on imported steel and aluminium to 50% took effect on June 4, 2025, impacting nearly all trading partners except the United Kingdom, which has a preliminary trade agreement with the U.S. The policy significantly affects major U.S. trading partners like Canada and Mexico, with Canada being the leading exporter of aluminium to the U.S. and both countries ranking high in steel exports. UAE-based steel producers expect to escape major impact from the latest move by the U.S. to double tariffs on steel imports. The new tariffs apply to all trading partners except the UK, which struck a preliminary trade agreement with the U.S. last month. However, steel manufacturers in the UAE don't anticipate a hard hit. The U.S. decision to double steel import tariffs 'may have an indirect effect on market dynamics but is not expected to materially impact Emsteel's business,' said Michael Rion, chief commercial officer at Emirates Steel, part of Abu Dhabi-listed Emsteel Group. The company has a 'modest exposure' to the U.S. market, with exports accounting for less than 2% of total annual sales. The UAE's push for a trade agreement with the U.S. is part of its broader strategy to mitigate the impact of increased tariffs and strengthen economic ties. The potential agreement, discussed during President Trump's visit to Abu Dhabi, seeks to address the challenges posed by the new tariffs and reinforce the economic partnership between the two nations.
Arabian Post
16 hours ago
- Arabian Post
Renewed Race For Gulf-India Aviation Sector Trophy As Stakes Increase Further
By K Raveendran Strong signs of undercurrents are emerging in the aviation space between India and the Gulf. There is renewed tussle over landing rights — the coveted permissions that determine which airlines get to fly where, how often, and with how many seats. For years, this battleground has been tilted in favour of Gulf-based giants, particularly Emirates and later Etihad, both of which have entrenched themselves so deeply in the India-Gulf sector that they dominate passenger volumes, especially among the vast Indian expatriate population in the Gulf. But recent movements suggest that the terrain may be shifting again, albeit not necessarily in India's favour, raising concerns about whether past missteps are being repeated or even institutionalized. The first wave of this dominance came during the United Progressive Alliance (UPA) years, a period that aviation experts and political observers often recall with unease. During this time, India's aviation rights — especially in the high-demand Gulf sector — were offered up with a generosity that baffled many. The most glaring beneficiary was Emirates, which capitalised on India's fragmented aviation policy and the aggressive diplomacy of Dubai government. The role of Praful Patel, then Union Civil Aviation Minister, and N. Chandrababu Naidu, then Chief Minister of Andhra Pradesh, has often come under scrutiny for facilitating deals that disproportionately benefited Gulf carriers. The underlying implication, often whispered but never proven in courts, was that kickbacks were exchanged for each seat Emirates filled on its India routes — a suggestion that continues to fester in the collective memory of Indian aviation policy circles. At that time, Emirates enjoyed a distinct monopoly, owing largely to the fact that it was the sole UAE-based carrier of international standing. With Dubai's rise as a global aviation hub and Emirates' unmatched marketing muscle, the airline quickly scaled up its footprint in India, locking in prime time slots and lucrative routes with little resistance. In effect, Emirates became the default choice for millions of Indians flying to the Gulf and beyond, eclipsing the capacity and visibility of Indian carriers like Air India. This asymmetry didn't just result in a business setback for Indian aviation — it triggered a slow bleeding of India's aviation sovereignty. The profits, the passenger data, the traffic, and the global prestige of being a gateway carrier all accrued to Emirates, while Indian airlines floundered under the weight of policy paralysis and state apathy. Things became even more complicated when Etihad entered the fray. As Abu Dhabi's flagship carrier, Etihad's arrival introduced a new axis of influence in the India-Gulf aviation theatre. Where earlier it was just Emirates leveraging its ties with Indian authorities to expand its rights, now both Emirates and Etihad were competing not just with each other but also for the same slice of the Indian aviation pie. The diplomatic equation thus had to be recalibrated. No longer could Dubai's interests automatically translate into Emirates' gain. Abu Dhabi, backed by the UAE federal structure, began asserting its claim, demanding equitable treatment for Etihad. India, in turn, found itself in a quagmire. Granting more rights to one Gulf emirate risked offending the other. But instead of revisiting its entire bilateral framework or strengthening Indian carriers to hold their ground, Indian policymakers chose the path of least resistance: acquiescing to more requests from both sides. The result was that foreign carriers ended up with the lion's share of rights, while Indian carriers, with limited international ambitions and fleet capacity at the time, were left watching from the sidelines. Fast forward to today, and the script seems eerily familiar. Both Emirates and Etihad are once again lobbying for increased landing rights and additional seat allocations. This comes at a time when the dynamics of the aviation industry have evolved significantly. There is renewed focus on strategic aviation corridors, a post-pandemic surge in travel, and a stronger realisation globally that aviation is not just commerce — it is a soft power instrument. Yet despite all this, India appears to be on the verge of conceding even more ground. That this is happening without a thorough review of how previous concessions impacted national interests is particularly disheartening. A disturbing undertone to this situation is the re-emergence — or rather, the persistence — of the very individuals who were instrumental in the original giveaways. These actors, once thought to have exited the stage after presiding over what some call the 'Great Indian Aviation Surrender,' are now reappearing in various roles, emboldened by their earlier success and perhaps by the lack of accountability. The risk here is not just the erosion of market share but the institutionalization of a defeatist approach to aviation diplomacy, where India negotiates from a position of weakness rather than asserting its growing economic and geopolitical clout. However, the new player that adds an unexpected twist to this ongoing narrative is IndiGo. As India's largest airline by a considerable margin, IndiGo is no longer content with its domestic dominance. It wants in on the Gulf bonanza, and it is using its size, efficiency, and growing international aspirations to demand a bigger seat at the table. This changes the calculus considerably. For the first time in years, there's an Indian private player with both the appetite and the capacity to challenge Gulf airlines on their turf. IndiGo's entry into the fray has the potential to reshape the competitive landscape — provided, of course, the government aligns national policy with corporate ambition. To avoid repeating past mistakes, India must initiate a root-and-branch review of its bilateral air service agreements. The country needs a clear aviation doctrine — one that articulates when, how, and under what conditions foreign airlines may operate in India. This doctrine must prioritize Indian interests, encourage domestic capacity building, and align with broader national objectives. It must also be shielded from short-term political compulsions and the influence of lobbying networks that have historically undermined strategic policymaking. (IPA Service)
Al Etihad
21 hours ago
- Al Etihad
EMSTEEL transforms steel waste into cement in pioneering sustainability project
4 June 2025 23:32 SARA ALZAABI (ABU DHABI)In a regional first, Abu Dhabi-based manufacturer EMSTEEL has converted steel waste into low-carbon cement through a large-scale project, setting new standards for circular economy practices in the industrial marks the pioneering milestone in time for World Environment Day, which is observed on June 5 every to Aletihad, Eng. Saeed Ghumran Al Remeithi, Group CEO EMSTEEL, expressed pride in their team's successful recycling of steel slag, a byproduct of steel-making, into 10,000 tonnes of cement."This initiative is not only technologically significant but also sets a new benchmark for how industrial by-products can be transformed into valuable resources. It affirms the feasibility of industrial circularity and positions us at the forefront of sustainable innovation in heavy industry," Al Remeithi achievement, he added, is a significant step toward EMSTEEL's 2030 climate goals: a 40% absolute greenhouse gas reduction from its steel division and a 30% reduction from its cement division."By incorporating steel slag at scale as a raw material for clinker and cement production, we are reinforcing our commitment to sustainability and creating a practical model for circular industrial operations," the group CEO pilot project also serves as a distinctive example of how the integration of steel and cement operations enhances efficiency while advancing sustainability operations across steel and cement sectors allows companies to innovate, capture emissions reduction, and unlock hidden value at scale, Al Remeithi said."EMSTEEL's model exemplifies how vertical integration can serve as a blueprint for other industrial players seeking to decarbonise while maintaining profitability. It is a strong signal that the future of heavy industry lies in collaboration, resource efficiency, and smart, circular design," he said. Climate GoalsThrough its latest circular economy project, EMSTEEL reaffirms its commitment to supporting the UAE's climate ambitions. "We are dedicated to driving industrial decarbonisation in line with the UAE's goal of a 27% reduction in industrial emissions by 2035 from 2019 levels,"Al Remeithi said. "The group has already made substantial progress in reducing Scope 1 and Scope 2 emissions, as well as emissions intensity between 2019 and 2023. As of 2023, our total Scope 1 and 2 emissions stood at 4.5 million tonnes of carbon dioxide - 23% below the baseline year of 2019. We are also on track to fully power our operations with clean and renewable energy by 2030." Source: Aletihad - Abu Dhabi
