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Federal appeals court upholds conviction of Householder in public corruption case

Federal appeals court upholds conviction of Householder in public corruption case

Yahoo06-05-2025

Former Ohio House Speaker Larry Householder (Photo by: WEWS/WCPO.)
A panel of federal court judges has upheld the convictions of former House Speaker Larry Householder and former Republican leader Matt Borges for their roles in the largest public corruption scheme in state history.
The Sixth Circuit Court of Appeals ruled that the jury was correct in finding Householder guilty of racketeering and accepting a $61 million bribe in exchange for legislation to give utility company FirstEnergy a $1 billion bailout, named H.B. 6, at the expense of taxpayers.
The court also found that the jury was justified in finding Borges guilty in his role in the scandal, including attempting to bribe an FBI informant with $15,000 before threatening to blow his house up.
'Because each defendant's arguments fail, we uphold their convictions,' the court wrote.
In March 2023, a jury found that Householder and former GOP leader Matt Borges, beyond a reasonable doubt, participated in the racketeering scheme that left four men guilty, with another dead by suicide.
In late June of that year, federal Judge Timothy Black sentenced Householder to 20 years in prison. Borges got five years. The two surviving defendants — Jeff Longstreth and Juan Cespedes — took plea agreements early on in exchange for helping the FBI, and are still awaiting their sentencing. The feds are asking for a maximum of six months for them.
At the end of 2023, the former chairman of the Public Utilities Commission of Ohio, Sam Randazzo, pleaded not guilty after being charged with a dozen crimes related to bribery and embezzlement after he allegedly received more than $4.3 million from FirstEnergy. The utility company has already admitted to bribery.
In April 2024, Randazzo became the second defendant accused in the scandal to die by suicide. Neil Clark, a lobbyist who was accused of bribery, killed himself after pleading not guilty in 2021.
Householder's attorney Scott Pullins, sent WEWS/OCJ the following statement:
'Today is a sad and disappointing day for Mr. Householder, Mr. Borges, and their families and supporters. But it is even a sadder day for constitutional free speech and the rule of law.
Mr. Householder, like former Ohio Speakers Cliff Rosenberger and Ryan Smith, and current Speaker Matt Huffman, raised undisclosed, unlimited donations for a 501c4 organization that supported him and his political allies. But the federal government singled only Mr. Householder out for prosecution.
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In the H.B. 6 matter, Mr. Householder led one House in the legislative branch of state government. To pass H.B. 6, it required the support of former Senate President Larry Obhof and his chamber, along with the support of Governor Mike DeWine and Lt. Governor Jon Husted. All received undisclosed, corporate donations from First Energy and worked closely with them to pass H.B. 6. But the federal government singled only Mr. Householder out for prosecution.
After reading the P.G. Sittenfeld case, and now this decision, it has become clear that the Sixth Circuit believes that the Supreme Court must act to clarify the law more clearly around political donations and bribery. We hope and fervently pray that they will do so. Free speech must apply equally to all and cannot be left to the whims and egos of individual U.S. attorneys.'
The decision — Householder
Going through each of Householder's arguments, the appellate judges swiftly dismissed the claims.
'The evidence showed that Householder agreed to commit —and did commit — extortion and honest services fraud …' the decision states. 'The jurors also heard no shortage of evidence that the conspirators knew that they were doing wrong.'
The court lambasted Householder for arguing he didn't commit a crime.
'What's more, Householder tried to conceal his tracks along the way. It began with the web of secret 501(c)(4) entities. He tried to cajole another representative into deleting text messages about House Bill 6. He deleted his call logs with Yost during the referendum saga,'
And he gave 'unequivocally false' testimony, according to the district court, the appellate judges said.
'In sum, Householder committed multiple RICO predicates when he solicited and received payments from FirstEnergy in exchange for specific official action,' the court decision stated.
What about when it comes to the former speaker's point of view?
'Householder offers a slate of arguments to the contrary,' the appeals court wrote. 'They fail.'
The appellate judges detailed how the former speaker did, indeed, commit crimes, and the jury was well aware of all the dinners he went to, money he accepted, and scare tactics he used to try to keep people quiet.
Householder, in his appeal, said it wasn't fair that audio recordings of him were played in court because they were 'irrelevant and unfairly prejudicial.'
In a recording obtained by WEWS/OCJ, Householder threatened state Reps. Dave Greenspan and Scott Lipps, who didn't support him, saying: 'If you're going to f— with me, I'm going to f— with your kids.'
This deeply disturbed jury foreman Jarrod Haines, who did an exclusive interview following the trial.
Due to the fact that the defense did not object to these recordings being played during the trial, and because they clearly meet the standard of admittance, the appellate judges wrote that 'Householder's unpalatable language aligned with lots of evidence that the jury received of Householder and his co-conspirators' foul language. These recordings wouldn't have unduly prejudiced him.'
It was clear during the trial that Householder's attorneys were going to use judicial bias in the appeals process.
U.S. District Judge Timothy Black, a Democrat nominated by former President Barack Obama in 2009, has been in the legal profession for more than four decades. He got his first spot on the bench in 1994, joining the Hamilton County Municipal Court. During his ten-year tenure on the trial court, he decided to run for a seat on the Ohio Supreme Court in 2000.
This campaign was brought up 22 or so years later by Householder's attorney Mark Marein before the jury entered the room during the trial. The Cleveland-based lawyer argued that the judge doesn't like them. 'We all collectively believe that the court holds animosity toward us,' Marein said. 'I question whether (Black) should be presiding over this.'
Black said he clearly didn't have bias. Householder said this wasn't true, adding that he received the maximum sentence of 20 years in prison. The appellate court agreed with Black.
It also wasn't fair that the court found Householder to have committed perjury, Householder's attorneys said.
The decision — Borges
The court found that Borges was aware of the crimes he committed.
'There is ample evidence that Borges knew and agreed to facilitate the illegal activity involved in the Householder enterprise,' the appellate judges wrote.
Jury foreman Haines said he kept an open mind the entire trial, but the overwhelming amount of evidence was undeniable, he said. Borges was easier for the jury to decide on, according to Haines.
Whistleblower Tyler Fehrman testified that Borges tried to bribe him, and the FBI had the video.
'It was just kind of an 'a-ha' moment,' Haines said of Fehrman's testimony. 'It was key for him to take the stand, for sure.'
This included a jarring quote from Borges telling the whistleblower that if he told anyone about the bribe, he would 'blow up' his house.
Borges was part of the scheme due to his role in the referendum effort to repeal H.B. 6. The beneficiaries of H.B. 6 knew that citizens wanted it gone, since they didn't want to increase their bills for a failing company, details of the trial laid out. Borges, as proved in court, tried to bribe Fehrman to give details on the repeal effort.
Borges argued that testimony by several witnesses was prejudicial against him.
'Borges, for his part, argues that the evidence was unduly prejudicial because it conveyed 'gangster-style conduct that the average juror would associate with racketeering,'' the appellate court wrote. 'But such conclusory labels don't help his case.'
Moving forward
The judges encouraged the U.S. Supreme Court to revisit several cases that could help Householder's appeal — arguing that separate public corruption cases could cast doubt on the convictions due to differing legality, semantics and scope of what corruption is.
Meanwhile, Householder is attempting to get clemency, his attorney Scott Pullins told WEWS/OCJ after the November election.
'The justice system can be turned as a weapon against people for political purposes,' the lawyer said.
Householder's team believes that the FBI was politically motivated in arresting the former speaker.
This argument could appeal to the president, Case Western Reserve University criminal law professor Mike Benza said.
'One of the things that we know that President-elect (Donald) Trump is interested in is what he sees as political forces working in the Department of Justice, especially targeting Republicans,' Benza said.
Householder knows Trump well and spoke at the 2016 Republican National Convention. They kept in touch throughout the years, Pullins said.
Paula Christian from WCPO contributed to this story.
Follow WEWS statehouse reporter Morgan Trau on Twitter and Facebook.
This article was originally published on News5Cleveland.com and is published in the Ohio Capital Journal under a content-sharing agreement. Unlike other OCJ articles, it is not available for free republication by other news outlets as it is owned by WEWS in Cleveland.
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The Ideological Schism Fueling the Trump-Musk Fight

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The Ideological Schism Fueling the Trump-Musk Fight

Amid the fallout of the messy public feud between Doland Trump and Elon Musk, it is instructive to think back to Dec. 26, 2024. That day marked the start of another intra-GOP skirmish that nearly fractured the elite core of the MAGA coalition. The December brawl — which, like the latest one, unfolded primarily online — pitted two high-profile factions of the Trumpian right against one another over the issue of high-skilled immigration. The nationalist-populist right, led by MAGA strategist Steve Bannon, urged the incoming administration to end the H-1B visa program as part of a broader crackdown on immigration. The so-called tech right, led by Musk, wanted Trump to defend the program on the grounds that high-skilled immigration is integral to spurring economic growth and fueling 'American dynamism.' Ultimately, the tech right carried the day, with Trump intervening in the online spat to defend the H-1B program. 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But when you strip away all the salacious controversies swirling around the 'BBB,' the fight over the legislation ultimately boils down to the question of whether cracking down on immigration should stand alone as the Trump administration's guiding priority. In the eyes of the MAGA populists, the $155 billion that the BBB appropriates for immigration enforcement and Trump's mass deportation efforts more than justify its passage, whatever its fiscal shortcomings might be. As Stephen Miller, the populist right's go-to immigration hawk, recently put it, the bill includes 'the most significant border security and deportation effort in history' — a fact which 'alone makes this the most important legislation for the conservative project in the history of the nation.' That immigration is at the center of the administration's pitch for the bill should come as no surprise. Since 2016, the issue has been the ideological keystone around which Trump has built his protean and sometimes unwieldy coalition. During the 2024 campaign, Trump and his running mate, JD Vance, proposed solving practically every issue that was thrown their way — from the housing shortage to inflation to 'wokeness' — by tying it back to their promised immigration crackdown. Once in office, the president's first acts included claiming unprecedented emergency authority to carry out his plan for mass deportations. But the centrality of immigration created tension as Musk and his fellow travelers on the tech right began to enter MAGA fold in the leadup to the 2024 election. The tech right threw its weight behind Trump's proposed agenda on immigration, but it was never the group's top priority. Much more important for MAGA's tech faction was taming the federal deficit, which Musk and others moguls — notably Marc Andreessen and Peter Thiel — continue to view as an existential threat to the country's future. Their anxiety about the federal debt is rooted as much in their libertarianism as it is in their self-interest: every dollar the federal government spends servicing the federal debt is a dollar that it does not invest in the supposedly revolutionary technologies — backed by their firms — that they believe will lead to true 'American dynamism.' The misalignment between the priorities of the populist right and the tech right was clear from the start. It was apparent to Miller, who just this week raged that 'you will never live a day in your life where a libertarian cares as much about immigration and sovereignty as they do about the Congressional Budget Office.' It was also apparent to Vance — a perceptive observer of the coalitional dynamics within the MAGA movement — who dedicated an entire speech earlier this spring to arguing that immigration restriction and technological innovation could be mutually-reinforcing goals. 'This idea that tech-forward people and the populists are somehow inevitably going to come to a loggerhead is wrong,' said Vance, identifying himself as 'a proud member of both tribes.' Vance, it turns out, was wrong. To the contrary, the Trump-Musk schism is proof that MAGA loyalists can't have their cake and eat it too. They must choose — a maximalist immigration crackdown, or something else. The vengeance with which the populist right has turned on Musk since his spat with Trump is proof of what happens when a Trump ally — even the richest man on Planet Earth — chooses something else. That the fight really hinged on immigration became clear from the commentary coming out of the populist right. 'Debt is BAD. The migrant crisis is orders of magnitude worse,' posted the activist Charlie Kirk in the midst of the blowup. 'I've never seen debt hold an apartment building hostage,' added another conservative commentator, referring to reports of gang-occupied apartment buildings in Colorado. Then there was Bannon himself, who responded to the feud by suggesting — what else? — that Trump should deport Musk. The near-term consequences of the Trump-Musk schism remain to be seen. Whispers of peace talks between Trump and Musk flitted around Washington on Friday, and Trump has publicly downplayed the significance of the skirmish. At this point, no other big names on the tech right have followed Musk in breaking from Trump. And even if Musk were to actively challenge Trump's GOP — by funding primary challenges to Republican incumbents or even trying to start his own party, as he hinted at on Thursday — the consequences would likely be less dire for the future of the MAGA movement than he might think. Vance, the presumptive heir to the MAGA throne, has been building his own independent fundraising network since 2022, which could insulate him from any Musk-related financial aftershocks. Vance 2028 would certainly like to have access to Musk's campaign dollars, but it's not reliant on them. In the long run, though, the Trump-Musk feud will cement immigration as the critical litmus test for membership in Trump's GOP. The critical ideological fault line within the MAGA movement runs between people who view immigration restriction as a means to an end and those who see it as an end in themselves. The thrashing of Elon Musk is a warning to anyone who finds themselves on the wrong side of that divide.

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‘Trump movement' turns on Cornyn, poll finds

Politico

time31 minutes ago

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‘Trump movement' turns on Cornyn, poll finds

MAGA loyalists have put Sen. John Cornyn's reelection campaign in a Texas-size hole. An early May poll commissioned by the American Opportunity Alliance, a major conservative funding group linked to megadonor Paul Singer, shows the Texas Republican down 17 points in a head-to-head primary matchup with state attorney general Ken Paxton. Below the top-line of Paxton's 52-percent-to-35-percent advantage, the poll found a clear divide between those voters who were defined as 'Trump Movement' voters and those who were 'Traditional Republicans.' In the former category, which made up of 58 percent of the electorate, Paxton had a 45-point lead. Among the latter, who made up only 35 percent of voters, Cornyn had a 27-point lead. The findings reflect a increasingly prominent divide among Republican primary voters in Texas where an insurgent hard-right faction has been steadily gaining ground in recent years while ousting more traditional GOP elected officials. Paxton, who has faced federal investigation and impeachment, has long been a darling of right-wingers in Texas, while Cornyn — first elected to the Senate in 2002 — is considered a pillar of the establishment GOP. In a speculative three-way race with GOP Rep. Wesley Hunt, who is exploring a bid, the margin barely narrowed with the Cornyn trailing Paxton, 43 percent to 27 percent, with Hunt receiving 14 percent. There was some good news for the incumbent in the poll. Despite trailing Paxton significantly, he is still viewed favorably by the Republican primary electorate in the Lone Star State — just not as favorably as the state attorney general. The poll, conducted from April 29 through May 1 among 800 Republican primary voters, is among a series of public and private surveys all showing Cornyn significantly trailing Paxton. They have sparked increasing concern from national Republican operatives about a potentially ugly and costly primary, as well as the possible elevation of a scandal-plagued candidate who might be at risk in a general election. The American Opportunity Alliance's interest in the race is notable; it's one of the key donor consortiums in Republican politics and its members including Singer and Chuck Schwab are some of the biggest funders on the right.

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