Decades later, Mahathir still stuck in a dilemma of his own

Free Malaysia Today

3 hours ago

For young Malaysians unfamiliar with the nation's political history, here's a recap of former prime minister Dr Mahathir Mohamad's obsession with his version of Malay supremacy.
In 1970, a year after the May 13 racial riots that followed huge electoral losses for the ruling Umno-led Alliance, Mahathir authored 'The Malay Dilemma', essentially his manifesto outlining his political and racial beliefs.
It examines and analyses the make-up of the Malays and the problem of racial harmony in Malaysia. The book claims that the tolerant and non-confrontational nature of the Malays led them to fall under the dominion of others, and that the government must correct Malaysian Chinese hegemony in business.
The book was banned by the then prime minister Tunku Abdul Rahman, who felt that it threatened racial harmony. As soon as Mahathir became prime minister in his first term in 1981, he lifted the ban.
Many times, Mahathir has labelled all non-Malays as 'pendatang' (immigrants) despite most having been born and bred here, many for at least three generations. He has been unapologetic about this term, insisting that he is correct historically.
In his latest bid at wantonly promoting Malay supremacy, he is attempting to bring together all the Malay parties, including his former rivals Bersatu and PAS, while inviting Umno members to join too.
His approach appears to be rooted in a perception of threats to Malay identity and interests, which he argues necessitates a collective response from the Malay population.
Honestly, there is nothing wrong in any party trying to unite a community. It's not just the Malays, others do it subtly too. Groups in Sabah and Sarawak are also known to use such divisive tactics for political reasons.
However, to premise his arguments on a narrative of vulnerability, suggesting that the community faces challenges from other ethnic groups, is tantamount to falsehood, in my opinion.
He has sensationalised his concerns about the erosion of Malay rights and the position of the Malay language when there is no such threat whatsoever. He knows hitting the primordial sentiments of Malays will hit the right chord.
Figures on Malays in power
Claims of erosion of Malay and Bumiputera rights is an utterly reckless claim if one cares to look deeply into who's in charge in the public sector. This is vital because these are the people who formulate government policies and implement them.
A check with the government's latest list of secretaries-general and directors-general will show some shocking figures – well, shocking to those who claim that Malays and Bumiputeras are losing their position. The list actually makes Mahathir's assertions laughable.
Of the 43 top-most government officers — namely the chief secretary to the government and secretaries-general — only three are non-Malays.
Of the 107 directors-general and those of their equivalent ranks, only four are non-Malay. If you take the deputies into account, only about 5% of this total are non-Malay.
The heads of security forces and the police, their deputies and senior officers are mostly, if not all, Malays or Bumiputera. The head of the judiciary and the majority of judges are Malays or Bumiputera too.
None of the vice-chancellors in public universities are non-Malays. Government scholarships, jobs and placements in public universities stick to the quota system, although it's not a written policy. But most Malaysians accept this reality.
Constitutional rights
The special rights of the Malays and Bumiputera are securely entrenched in the Federal Constitution, and it's safe to say it will never ever be erased until the majority of Malays decide that they don't need it anymore.
Claims that the DAP is trying to remove their special privileges and dilute the political power of the Malays is all hogwash. The DAP leaders themselves are seen as being more compromising these days.
All they appear to want is to remain in power to ensure there is non-Malay representation in the government. They know better not to rock the boat.
As for Islam and the royalty, they are not only untouchable, but no sane Malaysian wants to even go near these subjects. Besides the constitutional safeguards, there is enough fear among Malaysians to keep their distance.
No one in their right senses would ever want to rock this boat as they know the serious consequences that they will have to face.
The data on population growth also shows that the percentage of Malays and Bumiputera will reach a super majority in a few decades. When it reaches that stage, political battles will mainly involve Malay parties. Non-Malays will be an insignificant minority.
To argue that it's all right for the Malays and Bumiputera to dominate the government since the Chinese control the private sector is akin to comparing apples with oranges.
The private sector generates revenue from private investment and pays taxes to help run the government. The government is mainly funded by taxpayers. They must coexist for the betterment of the nation. It is not a competition.
Election strategy
Most know that the perceived threats to the Malay community raised by Mahathir and his ilk are exaggerated or politically constructed to rally support ahead of the next general election, due by February 2028. Their goal is to bring down Anwar Ibrahim and Pakatan Harapan.
Mahathir is leveraging on ethnic solidarity in an attempt to regain influence after previous electoral setbacks, including losing his deposit in Langkawi in the 2022 elections.
Mahathir is reckless in taking this approach, as such tactics can exacerbate ethnic tensions in a country that is inherently multi-ethnic, with all citizens enjoying enshrined constitutional rights pertaining to race and religion.
The views expressed are those of the writer and do not necessarily reflect those of FMT.