Climate activists miss East Bay state senator with Easter Sunday protest
The Brief
Protesters gathered outside State Senator Jesse Arreguín's office on Easter Sunday to urge him to vote yes on the Climate Superfund Bill.
Arreguín's office was vacant for the weekend and the protesters' messages were washed away by custodial staff.
The Climate Superfund Bill, which would hold polluters accountable for greenhouse gas emissions, is expected to be heard by legislators in the near future.
OAKLAND, Calif. - Protesters marched to State Senator Jesse Arreguín's office on Sunday, demanding he vote yes on an environmentally-focused piece of legislation. Unfortunately, the senator and his staff did not receive the message.
The protest was organized by the Bay Area chapter of the Sunrise Movement, a political action organization, who wanted Arreguín to vote yes on the Climate Superfund Bill (SB684), which would force fossil fuel polluters to pay for the damage caused by greenhouse gas emissions.
Attendees of the event carried signs, left chalk drawings, and hid plastic Easter eggs containing statements about holding polluters responsible for their actions around the premises.
Arreguín's Oakland office is only staffed Monday through Friday. A staffer said they were unaware of the protest until KTVU called for comment, and added that the office's janitorial staff had reported picking up "litter" and washing away chalk drawings prior to Monday morning.
The backstory
The protesters were motivated by Arreguín abstaining from another climate-focused bill, the Affordable Insurance and Climate Recovery Act, earlier this month. That item, SB 222, only received five of the seven necessary votes at an April 8 hearing. Arreguín, who made climate action a cornerstone of his 2024 campaign for state senate, was one of five representatives who abstained from the vote.
Even if Arreguín had been present for the Easter Sunday protest, the action may have been for naught — the April 22 hearing for the Climate Superfund Bill was canceled at the request of its author, Caroline Menjivar (D-San Fernando) on April 10.
A spokesperson for Menjivar's office said the bill's hearing will be rescheduled, but a date has not yet been set.
"I am committed to supporting clean, healthy communities and proud to continue the East Bay's strong tradition of protecting our environment, parks, and public health. I appreciate the advocates' passion and look forward to meaningful conversations once this bill is formally back before us," Arreguín said in a statement to KTVU. "As an advocate for environmental causes, I was proud to vote for multiple bills this week that advance our climate action goals. I respect the right to advocate and always encourage folks to reach out to my office directly — we welcome those conversations."
Big picture view
California is one of several states that have proposed or passed Climate Superfund legislation. New York and Vermont both passed their own versions in 2024, and four other states — Maryland, Massachusetts, New Jersey and Oregon — have introduced similar bills.
The bill, which was introduced in the state assembly by Dawn Addis (D-San Luis Obispo), would require fossil fuel polluters to pay for their share of the damage caused by greenhouse gases released into the covered period, which the bill defines as between the 1990 and 2024 calendar years.
That damage is defined as stemming from the extraction, production, refinement, sale or combustion of fossil fuels or petroleum products, to help relieve the state's current and future taxpayers of the burden.
If passed, the bill would require the California Environmental Protection Agency to determine and publish, within 90 days, a list of responsible parties, which the bill defines as an entity with a major ownership interest in a business engaged in extracting or refining fossil fuels that operated in the state during the covered period. That entity would also have to be determined to be responsible for more than 1 billion metric tons of covered fossil fuel emissions.
"The Central Coast has faced the devastating impacts of climate change, from floods and wildfires to coastal erosion. This year's fires in Los Angeles serve as a stark reminder that collective inaction has catastrophic consequences for all Californians," Addis said in a press release. "We can't deny that climate change is real, and we must take action now to prepare and rebuild after these devastating events."
Hashtags
Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles
Yahoo
14 minutes ago
- Yahoo
Nursery parents win closure review but concerns remain
Aberdeenshire Council has agreed to pause the mothballing of four rural nurseries. Parents were told in April that Ballogie, Crossroads, Glass and Sandhaven nurseries would close at the end of term. Councillors have now agreed to put those decisions on hold while it reviews its guidance around how it consults with families. Campaigners have welcomed the move, but said they had lost confidence in the local authority. At a special meeting of the full council, councillors agreed to pause all future mothballing - which means closing premises but keeping them in a condition ready for future use - while a review of guidance was carried out. During the meeting, councillors on the local authority's ruling administration decided not to allow members of the public to give their views. Campaigner and parent Lindsay Love told BBC Scotland News: ''We all came hoping to speak on behalf of our communities and we were silenced.''' She said she had mixed emotions about the decision to pause mothballing. Ms Love said: ''I'm nervous that they are actually going to move forward with integrity. I feel like they're trying to control the narrative now. "We just need to make sure that we're protecting our nurseries and our rural communities as best as we can." She added: "Whilst is it a good thing that they've decided to pause the mothballing, I don't have a huge amount of confidence in them as an institution to do the right thing.'' More stories from North East Scotland, Orkney and Shetland Listen to news from North East Scotland on BBC Sounds Council leader Gillian Owen said the council had carefully reflected on what parents had been calling for. No timescale was given for the review. Ms Owen said: ''I think we're looking at doing a review quite swiftly but we've got to wait for the Scottish government guidelines.'' She denied families had been "silenced" by not being allowed to speak at the meeting. The councillor added: "We've actually made the changes that they want. ''They must look at that as an actual celebration, not as a slight.'' When the move to mothball the nurseries was announced at the start of the Easter school holidays, it sparked a backlash from local communities. Since then, families have been campaigning to keep them open, arguing the decision was made without proper consultation. The Scottish government also wrote to Aberdeenshire Council to highlight the need to consult parents in such cases. Last week, the local authority's ruling administration said it wanted to pause the controversial plans. Aberdeenshire Council Tory leader stands down Nursery mothballing move taking 'extreme toll' Officials mothballing school branded undemocratic Aberdeenshire Council
Yahoo
7 hours ago
- Yahoo
Bay Area leaders slam Trump's deployment of National Guard to LA
The Brief In a Palo Alto news conference, Bay Area leaders spoke out against the deployment of the National Guard in response to ICE riots in Southern California. Guardsmen arrived in LA Sunday morning, after Pres. Trump sent 2,000 troops there. Local immigrant groups are concerned the Guard could eventually be deployed to the Bay Area. PALO ALTO, Calif. - Bay Area leaders are slamming President Donald Trump's deployment of the National Guard to quell protests against ICE raids in the Los Angeles area. What they're saying "The president is seeking to create a reality television theater, risking human lives, risking violence," said San Mateo County Supervisor Ray Mueller at a news conference in Palo Alto Sunday. "It is clear that this move to federalize the National Guard troops is designed to inflame and divide. That is the goal, to create chaos and inflame, and trigger a reaction," said U.S. Rep. Kevin Mullin of San Mateo, a Democrat. "We're here to urge that all protests remain peaceful," said Democratic U.S. Rep. Sam Liccardo, who represents the Peninsula and South Bay. The backstory The National Guard arrived in LA Sunday morning after Trump sent 2,000 guardsmen there. President Trump added on Truth Social later in the day that more reinforcements could be on the way. "We'll send whatever we need to make sure there's law and order," said Trump. In a post on X Sunday, Gov. Gavin Newsom accused Trump of "manufacturing a crisis," adding, "He's hoping for chaos to justify more crackdowns." The other side But many Republicans are voicing support for the move. "I think the president did exactly what he needed to do. These are federal laws. We have to maintain the rule of law, and that is not what is happening," said House Speaker Mike Johnson. Big picture view This is the first time in 60 years that a president has activated a state's National Guard force without a request from the governor. "I think the Trump administration's view is more response is better than less response, right or wrong," said KTVU political analyst Brian Sobel. "He's trying to keep making an example of California. "We're going to see activists, whether in Oakland or Berkeley or San Francisco or throughout the Bay Area, be involved in pushing back, and that's going to raise the stakes." Local perspective "If this is happening in LA, this can happen here," said Dr. Belinda Hernandez-Arriaga, founder and executive director of ALAS. Bay Area immigrant groups are worried about the impact of all this--especially if the National Guard is deployed here. "It's paralyzing the immigrant community with fear," said Hernandez-Arriaga. "We're seeing people afraid to go out, afraid to do their daily duties, events, being in the community. Children are scared." What we don't know There's been no indication at this point from the Trump Administration that the National Guard will or might be deployed in the Bay Area. The Source Interviews conducted by KTVU reporter John Krinjak, a news conference in Palo Alto, social media posts from Trump and Newsom, and previous reporting
Atlantic
a day ago
- Atlantic
Where Is Barack Obama?
Last month, while Donald Trump was in the Middle East being gifted a $400 million luxury jet from Qatar, Barack Obama headed off on his own foreign excursion: a trip to Norway, in a much smaller and more tasteful jet, to visit the summer estate of his old friend King Harald V. Together, they would savor the genteel glories of Bygdøyveien in May. They chewed over global affairs and the freshest local salmon, which had been smoked on the premises and seasoned with herbs from the royal garden. Trump has begun his second term with a continuous spree of democracy-shaking, economy-quaking, norm-obliterating action. And Obama, true to form, has remained carefully above it all. He picks his spots, which seldom involve Trump. In March, he celebrated the anniversary of the Affordable Care Act and posted his annual NCAA basketball brackets. In April, he sent out an Easter message and mourned the death of the pope. In May, he welcomed His Holiness Pope Leo XIV ('a fellow Chicagoan') and sent prayers to Joe Biden following his prostate-cancer diagnosis. No matter how brazen Trump becomes, the most effective communicator in the Democratic Party continues to opt for minimal communication. His 'audacity of hope' presidency has given way to the fierce lethargy of semi-retirement. Obama occasionally dips into politics with brief and unmemorable statements, or sporadic fundraising emails (subject: 'Barack Obama wants to meet you. Yes you.'). He praised his law-school alma mater, Harvard, for 'rejecting an unlawful and ham-handed attempt' by the White House 'to stifle academic freedom.' He criticized a Republican bill that would threaten health care for millions. He touted a liberal judge who was running for a crucial seat on the Wisconsin Supreme Court. When called upon, he can still deliver a top-notch campaign spiel, donor pitch, convention speech, or eulogy. Beyond that, Obama pops in with summer and year-end book, music, and film recommendations. He recently highlighted a few articles about AI and retweeted a promotional spot for Air Force Elite: Thunderbirds, a new Netflix documentary from his and Michelle's production company. (Michelle also has a fashion book coming out later this year: 'a celebration of confidence, identity, and authenticity,' she calls it.) Apparently, Barack is a devoted listener of The Ringer 's Bill Simmons Podcast, or so he told Jimmy Kimmel over dinner. In normal times, no one would deny Obama these diversions. He performed the world's most stressful job for eight years, served his country, made his history, and deserved to kick back and do the usual ex-president things: start a foundation, build a library, make unspeakable amounts of money. But the inevitable Trump-era counterpoint is that these are not normal times. And Obama's detachment feels jarringly incongruous with the desperation of his longtime admirers—even more so given Trump's assaults on what Obama achieved in office. It would be one thing if Obama had disappeared after leaving the White House, maybe taking up painting like George W. Bush. The problem is that Obama still very much has a public profile—one that screams comfort and nonchalance at a time when so many other Americans are terrified. 'There are many grandmas and Rachel Maddow viewers who have been more vocal in this moment than Barack Obama has,' Adam Green, a co-founder of the Progressive Change Institute, told me. 'It is heartbreaking,' he added, 'to see him sacrificing that megaphone when nobody else quite has it.' People who have worked with Obama since he left office say that he is extremely judicious about when he weighs in. 'We try to preserve his voice so that when he does speak, it has impact,' Eric Schultz, a close adviser to Obama in his post-presidency, told me. 'There is a dilution factor that we're very aware of.' 'The thing you don't want to do is, you don't want to regularize him,' former Attorney General Eric Holder, a close Obama friend and collaborator, told me. When I asked Holder what he meant by 'regularize,' he explained that there was a danger of turning Obama into just another hack commentator—' Tuesdays With Barack, or something like that,' Holder said. Like many of Obama's confidants, Holder bristles at suggestions that the former president has somehow deserted the Trump opposition. 'Should he do more? Everybody can have their opinions,' Holder said. 'The one thing that always kind of pisses me off is when people say he's not out there, or that he's not doing things, that he's just retired and we never hear from him. If you fucking look, folks, you would see that he's out there.' From the April 2016 issue: The Obama doctrine Obama's aides also say that he is loath to overshadow the next generation of Democratic leaders. They emphasize that he spends a great deal of time speaking privately with candidates and officials who seek his advice. But unfortunately for Democrats, they have not found their next fresh generational sensation since Obama was elected 17 years ago (Joe Biden obviously doesn't count). Until a new leader emerges, Obama could certainly take on a more vocal role without 'regularizing' himself in the lowlands of Trump-era politics. Obama remains the most popular Democrat alive at a time of historic unpopularity for his party. Unlike Biden, he appears not to have lost a step, or three. Unlike with Bill Clinton, his voice remains strong and his baggage minimal. Unlike both Biden and Clinton, he is relatively young and has a large constituency of Americans who still want to hear from him, including Black Americans, young voters, and other longtime Democratic blocs that gravitated toward Trump in November. 'Should Obama get out and do more? Yes, please,' Tracy Sefl, a Democratic media consultant in Chicago, told me. 'Help us,' she added. 'We're sinking over here.' Obama's conspicuous scarcity while Trump inflicts such damage isn't just a bad look. It's a dereliction of the message that he built his career on. When Obama first ran for president in 2008, his former life as a community organizer was central to his message. His campaign was not merely for him, but for civic action itself—the idea of Americans being invested in their own change. Throughout his time in the White House, he emphasized that 'citizen' was his most important title. After he left office in 2017, Obama said that he would work to inspire and develop the next cohort of leaders, which is essentially the mission of his foundation. It would seem a contradiction for him to say that he's devoting much of his post-presidency to promoting civic engagement when he himself seems so disengaged. To some degree, patience with Obama began wearing thin when he was still in office. His approval ratings sagged partway through his second term (before rebounding at the end). The rollout of the Affordable Care Act in 2013 was a fiasco, and the midterm elections of 2014 were a massacre. Obama looked powerless as Republicans in Congress ensured that he would pass no major legislation in his second term and blocked his nomination of Merrick Garland to the Supreme Court. 'Obama, out,' the president said in the denouement of his last comedy routine at the White House Correspondents' Dinner, in 2016. In Obama lore, this mic-drop moment would instantly become famous—and prophetic. After Trump's first victory, Obama tried to reassure supporters that this was merely a setback. 'I don't believe in apocalyptic—until the apocalypse comes,' he said in an interview with The New Yorker. Insofar as Obama talked about how he imagined his post-presidency, he was inclined to disengage from day-to-day politics. At a press conference in November 2016, Obama said that he planned to 'take Michelle on vacation, get some rest, spend time with my girls, and do some writing, do some thinking.' He promised to give Trump the chance to do his job 'without somebody popping off in every instance.' But in that same press conference, he also allowed that if something arose that raised 'core questions about our values and our ideals, and if I think that it's necessary or helpful for me to defend those ideals, then I'll examine it when it comes.' That happened almost immediately. A few days after vowing in his inaugural address to end the 'American carnage' that he was inheriting, Trump signed an executive order banning foreign nationals from seven predominantly Muslim countries from entering the United States for 90 days. The so-called Muslim travel ban would quickly be blocked by the courts, but not before sowing chaos at U.S. points of entry. Obama put out a brief statement through a spokesperson ('the president fundamentally disagrees with the notion of discriminating against individuals because of their faith or religion'), and went on vacation. Trump's early onslaught made clear that Obama's ex-presidency would prove far more complicated than previous ones. And Obama's taste for glamorous settings and famous company—Richard Branson, David Geffen, George Clooney—made for a grating contrast with the turmoil back home. 'Just tone it down with the kitesurfing pictures,' John Oliver, the host of HBO's Last Week Tonight, said of Obama in an interview with Seth Meyers less than a month after the president left office. 'America is on fire,' Oliver added. 'I know that people accused him of being out of touch with the American people during his presidency. I'm not sure he's ever been more out of touch than he is now.' Oliver's spasm foreshadowed a rolling annoyance that continued as Trump's presidency wore on: that Obama was squandering his power and influence. 'Oh, Obama is still tweeting good tweets. That's very nice of him,' the anti-Trump writer Drew Magary wrote in a Medium column titled 'Where the Hell Is Barack Obama?' in the early days of the coronavirus pandemic. 'I'm sick of Obama staying above the fray while that fray is swallowing us whole.' Obama did insert himself in the 2024 election, reportedly taking an aggressive behind-the-scenes role last summer in trying to nudge Biden out of the race. He delivered a showstopper speech at the Democratic National Convention and campaigned several times for Kamala Harris in the fall. But among longtime Obama admirers I've spoken with, frustration with the former president has built since Trump returned to office. While campaigning for Harris last year, Obama framed the stakes of the election in terms of a looming catastrophe. 'These aren't ordinary times, and these are not ordinary elections,' he said at a campaign stop in Pittsburgh. Yet now that the impact is unfolding in the most pernicious ways, Obama seems to be resuming his ordinary chill and same old bits. Green, of the Progressive Change Institute, told me that when Obama put out his March Madness picks this year, he texted Schultz, the Obama adviser. 'Have I missed him speaking up in other places recently?' Green asked him. 'He did not respond to that.' (Schultz confirmed to me that he ignored the message but vowed to be 'more responsive to Adam Green's texts in the future.') Being a former president is inherently tricky: The role is ill-defined, and peripheral by definition. Part of the trickiness is how an ex-president can remain relevant, if he wants to. This is especially so given the current president. 'I don't know that anybody is relevant in the Trump era,' Mark Updegrove, a presidential historian and head of the LBJ Foundation, told me. Updegrove, who wrote a book called Second Acts: Presidential Lives and Legacies After the White House, said that Trump has succeeded in creating a reality in which every president who came before is suspect. 'All the standard rules of being an ex-president are no longer applicable,' he said. Still, Obama never presented himself as a 'standard rules' leader. This was the idea that his political rise was predicated on—that change required bold, against-the-grain thinking and uncomfortable action. Clearly, Obama still views himself this way, or at least still wants to be perceived this way. (A few years ago, he hosted a podcast with Bruce Springsteen called Renegades.) From the July 1973 issue: The last days of the president Stepping into the current political melee would not be an easy or comfortable role for Obama. He represents a figure of the past, which seems more and more like the ancient past as the Trump era crushes on. He is a notably long-view guy, who has spent a great deal of time composing a meticulous account of his own narrative. 'We're part of a long-running story,' Obama said in 2014. 'We just try to get our paragraph right.' Or thousands of paragraphs, in his case: The first installment of Obama's presidential memoir, A Promised Land, covered 768 pages and 29 hours of audio. No release date has been set for the second volume. But this might be one of those times for Obama to take a break from the long arc of the moral universe and tend to the immediate crisis. Several Democrats I've spoken with said they wish that Obama would stop worrying so much about the 'dilution factor.' While Democrats struggle to find their next phenom, Obama could be their interim boss. He could engage regularly, pointing out Trump's latest abuses. He did so earlier this spring, during an onstage conversation at Hamilton College. He was thoughtful, funny, and sounded genuinely aghast, even angry. He could do these public dialogues much more often, and even make them thematic. Focus on Trump's serial violations of the Constitution one week (recall that Obama once taught constitutional law), the latest instance of Trump's naked corruption the next. Blast out the most scathing lines on social media. Yes, it might trigger Trump, and create more attention than Obama evidently wants. But Trump has shown that ubiquity can be a superpower, just as Biden showed that obscurity can be ruinous. People would notice. Democrats love nothing more than to hold up Obama as their monument to Republican bad faith. Can you imagine if Obama did this? some Democrat will inevitably say whenever Trump does something tacky, cruel, or blatantly unethical (usually before breakfast). Obama could lean into this hypocrisy—tape recurring five-minute video clips highlighting Trump's latest scurrilous act and title the series 'Can You Imagine If I Did This?' Or another idea—an admittedly far-fetched one. Trump has decreed that a massive military parade be held through the streets of Washington on June 14. This will ostensibly celebrate the Army's 250th anniversary, but it also happens to fall on Trump's 79th birthday. The parade will cost an estimated $45 million, including $16 million in damage to the streets. (Can you imagine if Obama did this?) The spectacle cries out for counterprogramming. Obama could hold his own event, in Washington or somewhere nearby. It would get tons of attention and drive Trump crazy, especially if it draws a bigger crowd. Better yet, make it a parade, or 'citizen's march,' something that builds momentum as it goes, the former president and community organizer leading on foot. This would be the renegade move. Few things would fire up Democrats like a head-to-head matchup between Trump and Obama. If nothing else, it would be fun to contemplate while Democrats keep casting about for their long-delayed future. 'The party needs new rising stars, and they need the room to figure out how to meet this moment, just like Obama figured out how to meet the moment 20 years ago,' Jon Favreau, a co-host of Pod Save America and former director of speechwriting for the 44th president, told me. 'Unless, of course, Trump tries to run for a third term, in which case I'll be begging Obama to come out of retirement.'
