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Linked Finance raises more than €50m in new funding for SMEs

Linked Finance raises more than €50m in new funding for SMEs

Irish Times14-05-2025

Irish peer-to-peer lender Linked Finance has raised more than €50 million in new wholesale funding that is now available to Irish SMEs.
Linked Finance connects local businesses who need loans with an online lending community, comprising members of the public, institutions and other investors who are willing to lend to Irish SMEs at attractive interest rates.
The company, which was launched in 2013, has so far facilitated more than 4,500 loans for Irish SMEs to the value of about €350 million.
The end-to-end process from initial application to receipt of funding takes about 24 hours for loans of up to €500,000, with terms of up to five years.
READ MORE
The average amount borrowed has increased from €18,000 in 2013 to €115,000 today.
In the last 12 months, Linked Finance has seen significant demand across various sectors, with the top industries seeking loans including retail, construction, manufacturing and professional services.
Chief executive Niall O'Grady said the group was 'delighted' to reach the €350 million lending milestone and to see 'such significant growth' in its average loan size.
'SMEs are the absolute backbone of the Irish economy – employing two-thirds of the workforce – and we can provide them with a level of flexible and efficient support that the few remaining national pillar banks in Ireland cannot match,' he said.
'Given the significant need to improve and develop better infrastructure across the country, it is also positive to see that Irish construction and manufacturing companies are topping the sectors we lend to, as they have an important role to play in driving this forward.'
Mr O'Grady said he believes the exit of many banks from Ireland over the past 10 years has left Linked Finance 'perfectly positioned' to grow in lending and back more Irish SMEs than ever before.
'Being able to turn around a lending decision for a loan of up to €500,000 in 24 hours is a unique proposition, and our objective is always to support SMEs to achieve the growth and targets they have set, or the valuable opportunities they want to pursue,' he added.
Companies that have raised funding with the lender in the past include the Rolling Donut, Kokoro Sushi Bento and Murphy's Ice Cream.

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First look: New food market gathers the best of global street food vendors in one place
First look: New food market gathers the best of global street food vendors in one place

Irish Times

time3 hours ago

  • Irish Times

First look: New food market gathers the best of global street food vendors in one place

Inside Priory Market in Tallaght , with no rent, low risk, and serious talent, immigrant chefs are finally getting the backing they deserve. 'I am who I am because I came from Tallaght,' says Anna Haugh , the chef-owner of Myrtle restaurant and The Wee Sister wine bar in London, currently fronting Anna Haugh's Big Irish Food Tour TV show on BBC One. She's back in Ireland next month to launch something Tallaght has never had – a food hall, brewery and roastery all under one roof, run as a social enterprise supporting immigrant communities. For Haugh it's more than a launch – it's personal. 'It's really important to me that we bring fresh energy to Tallaght – businesses, food, culture – all of it,' she says. 'People often focus on the negative. This is something positive. It's great for the newer communities, too – people who didn't live here when I was growing up in Old Bawn.' For migrant-led and small food businesses, it's the hardest thing to find: a foothold. At Priory Market, which opens to the public on Friday, June 20th, there's no rent, no fitout, just 15 per cent of turnover for access to a unit, utilities and footfall. The project is backed by the Immigrant Investor Programme (now closed). Some €3.6 million was raised from nine Chinese investors; Partas – a long-standing social enterprise based in Tallaght – contributed €400,000 more. READ MORE The model is designed for sustainability, in every sense. It's not just a local experiment – it could be a blueprint for other cities. Profits are reinvested into local jobs, training and community programmes. 'We're not a landlord,' says John Kearns, chief executive of Partas. 'We're a support structure. We don't want to trap people – we want them to grow and move on, if that's their goal. Tenants don't need capital to renovate or fit out kitchens. If someone wants to trial something – or scale it – this is where they can do it.' 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You can build from that. Maybe even an empire.' Priory Market takes its name from the nearby St Mary's Priory, one of the most significant early monastic settlements in Ireland. Though the market isn't on the original site, it sits just around the corner from the St Mary's ruins – a Church of Ireland site that includes remnants of the original monastery, The Pale wall, and the site of a Fenian uprising. Plans are in place to introduce a walking tour linking the market to these historic landmarks. The vendors at Priory Market have been carefully selected – most are family-run – and together span a wide range of cuisines. These include Delhi2Dublin's handmade Indian dishes, Afro-Caribbean flavours from Bless Up, and Venezuelan street food from Flavouritos. Seoul Kitchen brings Korean classics, while El Milagro serves Mexican dishes from a mother-and-son team. 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Femi and Margaret Abonde are the husband and wife team behind Bless Up, a modern African-Caribbean food business that first opened in Tallaght's Belgard Square. Their original restaurant gained a loyal following for its bold, home-style cooking – but despite strong demand, the scale and cost of running a full restaurant proved unsustainable. 'It was just taking too much from both of us,' says Femi, who has worked in the hospitality industry for nearly two decades. The pair handed the unit over without financial loss and rethought their business model. Now they're relaunching Bless Up at the market, in a format that's leaner, sharper and more sustainable. Femi Abonde of Bless Up 'It's the cheapest place to trade,' says Femi. 'You don't have to worry about renovations, maintenance, or heavy overheads. It lets you just focus on the food.' The couple have refined and streamlined their original menu. 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Priory Market in Tallaght will be open to the public seven days a week from Friday, June 20th, 11am-11pm, with a coffee shop from 8am.

Did Ireland's 'bad bank' NAMA work?
Did Ireland's 'bad bank' NAMA work?

RTÉ News​

time6 hours ago

  • RTÉ News​

Did Ireland's 'bad bank' NAMA work?

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The bond market, which had provided funding to banks, walked away from the Irish financial system. Irish banks had to borrow from the European Central Bank through a mechanism called emergency liquidity assistance. The amounts borrowed from the ECB began to rocket and alarm spread across the euro zone about the unfolding banking crisis in Ireland. The challenge was how to stop the rot in the Irish financial system. One of those involved in designing a mechanism to deal with the banks; bad loans was Professor Alan Ahearne who was advisor to the late Brian Lenihan, Minister for Finance during the crash. Professor Ahearne advocated using an Asset Management Company (AMC) to deal with the problem: "I had seen AMCs used previously when I was at the Federal Reserve in the US. This was a prominent tool used before." It was deployed in South Korea and Malaysia during the Asian crash and in the US to deal with the Savings & Loans crisis in the 1980s and 1990s. The idea was that a State-backed company would buy failing property loans from the banks at market prices. When those borrowings were transferred, confidence in the banks would return and they would be able to access funding again. Professor Ahearne says: "There were two key objectives: stability for the banks and the public finances." NAMA, the so-called bad bank, was designed by officials in the Department of Finance, the National Treasury Management Agency and the Attorney General's office. The figures involved were nothing short of enormous. During the financial crisis, politicians of all hues worried that banks were hopelessly unrealistic about the losses they faced. Many bankers were slow to admit that lending approved by them had become horrible miscalculations which would be paid for by the taxpayer. A day of reckoning came when NAMA bought loans from AIB, Bank of Ireland, EBS, Irish Nationwide and Anglo Irish Bank. The borrowings were valued by the banks at €74 billion. NAMA paid a total of €31.8 billion for them - that left a black hole in excess of €40 billion in the banks' balance sheets. The gap was plugged by the Irish taxpayer. When the loans were transferred to NAMA, some of the writedowns were as large as 70%. That transaction was critical and effectively crystallised the losses of the banks. Professor Ahearne says: "The crash created those losses. You have to recognise those losses one way or another." The fact that the Government had guaranteed the banks meant the losses would have to be paid by taxpayers, regardless of what mechanism was used to clean up the mess. After the loans were transferred, NAMA faced a huge task. Brendan McDonagh became its chief executive, seconded from the NTMA to start NAMA from scratch. His job was to sell off the 60,000 individual assets bought from the banks and repay NAMA's €31.8 billion in borrowings. Hot on the heels of the agency's creation, Ireland entered a bailout in late 2010. The Troika or bailout team, made up of the European Commission, the International Monetary Fund and European Central Bank, provided €67.5 billion to the State. Representatives of that triumvirate took control of Ireland's financial decisions. NAMA was under enormous pressure to sell loans quickly and repay its debts. But it was doing so at a time of depressed property prices. NAMA's decisions were frequently controversial. It had a series of high-profile legal spats with developers who fought the agency in the courts. Some questioned whether better value could be obtained if NAMA waited for property prices to recover. One prominent example was the Battersea Power Station site in central London. It was part-owned by Treasury Holdings and its loans came under NAMA's control, which sold its stake in the asset to a Malaysian consortium in 2011. The sale was criticised by Treasury Holdings' former owner Johnny Ronan who said "a very shortsighted view was taken, especially by NAMA." But Professor Ahearne argues: "The main aim of NAMA was to restore stability to the banking system and financial conditions. Judged by that, it did achieve its aims." The agency will be dissolved at the end of 2025. It has paid back its borrowings and generated a larger than expected surplus to the Exchequer. This week, Brendan McDonagh said: "In the early days people said NAMA was going to lose €8 billion, €10 billion or €12 billion. And today we stand here making €5.5 billion." But some questions remain to be answered and some lessons remain to be learned. Would it have achieved more value if allowed further time as property prices recovered? Was it put under too much pressure to sell quickly? To what extent did its establishment help the Irish banks get back on their feet? And did that allow Ireland to recover faster than expected too? Professor Ahearne believes there is merit in a "look back study" given the scale of the policy intervention. 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Ireland will have to commit substantial funds to arms procurement whether it approves or not
Ireland will have to commit substantial funds to arms procurement whether it approves or not

Irish Times

time7 hours ago

  • Irish Times

Ireland will have to commit substantial funds to arms procurement whether it approves or not

All they talk about in Brussels these days is defence. And with a sense of urgency and common political will that is a product of real fear that the EU itself is existentially threatened . A fear that the threats from Russia to Ukraine – regarded, as one senior European Commission official put it, as a 'de facto member state' – and Vladimir Putin 's wider ambitions against former Soviet states now part of the union are serious. And that the US can no longer be relied on for military support or even nuclear deterrence. The talk is all of meeting new Nato targets of raising defence spending to between three and five per cent of GDP. Russia, member states are warned, has been massively expanding its military-industrial production capacity with an estimated spending in 2024 of 40 per cent of the federal budget and up to 9 per cent of its GDP (up from 6 per cent in 2023) on defence, a commitment only possible in an autocratic state impervious to public sentiment. Ireland, despite its new commitment to bolster its army, remains the poorest performer in the EU class at 0.5 per cent this year. Member states' defence spending has grown by more than 31 per cent since 2021, reaching 1.9 per cent of the EU's combined GDP or €326bn in 2024, almost double the amount spent in 2021. Not enough, however; now a target of €800 billion in the next few years is being discussed. A measure of how seriously the debate is being taken has been the union's willingness with unprecedented speed to raise its sacrosanct fiscal rules, allowing member states to break debt limits to expand their military spending . READ MORE The thrust is now being driven by the EU White Paper on Defence Preparedness 2025, published recently. It was the subject of a well-attended debate this week in the Institute for International and European Affairs, which turned inevitably to the issue of Ireland's own national preparedness and its role next year in steering the EU presidency discussions. Centre stage will be the roll-out of the white paper proposals to revitalise states' military capacity and transform national defence industries to break reliance on foreign, notably US, imported weapons. A new defence financing initiative, Safe, will see the European Investment Bank raise €150 billion to lend to the private sector on condition 65 per cent of loans are for European-produced weapons. Ireland is not planning to dip into the fund, but Minister of State for Defence Thomas Byrne told the meeting that, in the spirit of 'principles-based pragmatism', we might yet do so. Ireland will also have charge of brokering a deal on the next seven-year budget (the Multiannual Financial Framework, or MFF). The process always severely stretches member-state solidarity and will particularly test them this time, with a huge increase in collective defence spending being proposed. That, at a time when all are cash-strapped, will require a massive breach of the one per cent of EU GDP budget spending ceiling, or as Prof Brigid Laffan warned, 'tough trade-offs' on long-standing policy areas. Like agriculture. Ireland cannot stand on the sidelines. It will necessarily have to commit substantial funds to arms procurement as a net contributor to the MFF, like all others, whether or not it approves. [ Parlous state of Defence Forces once again laid bare Opens in new window ] The EU white paper bears a remarkable resemblance in its scope and thrust to the paper produced in Ireland in 2022 by the Commission on the Defence Forces and which prompted our own commitment to major upgrading of the Defence Forces. The white paper, the EU Commission's senior defence official, Guilaume de la Brosse, insists, is not about redefining EU defence policy 'but about the specificities of member states, serving national agendas', and both starting a discussion about preparedness and capabilities and pointing to a way in which the needs may be addressed more efficiently, collectively and individually. The white paper projects are all 'voluntary'. Like the Irish commission's silence on neutrality's merits, it is not saying European collective defence must take a particular form, but that if you want a capability to deter aggression then this is how to do it – and it is best done collectively, ensuring interoperability and as little duplication as possible. [ Poll shows Ireland's attachment to neutrality is strong but nuanced Opens in new window ] Critical to getting both imperatives through will be important changes in the nature of defence discussions throughout the EU – not least in Ireland, where the debate has largely been confined to political and policy circles. Both the Taoiseach and the Tánaiste have engaged strongly, echoing common EU-wide concerns, but public opinion remains largely indifferent, albeit clinging to vague, often contradictory notions of 'neutrality'. There is often an unwillingness to acknowledge the need to upgrade our defensive capacity or even a need for it. A fundamental challenge remains a public unwillingness to perceive real new vulnerabilities or threats to ourselves – like to our vital undersea cable networks or to cyber attacks, or threats to the territorial integrity of our European partners – as urgent and requiring radical action. Although sympathetic to their plight, and generously receptive of refugees, Irish voters have yet to recognise that their problem is our problem, a real threat to our union, and to develop a real sense of obligation to fellow members of the union arising from our membership of this huge 'peace project'. From a narrow national perspective, as Minister Byrne acknowledged, 'working together is the only way forward'. This debate urgently needs to expand beyond Dáil Éireann's narrow confines.

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