Alabama lawmakers send school cellphone ban to Gov. Kay Ivey
A woman scrolling on a smartphone. The Alabama Legislature Wednesday gave final approval to a bill sponsored by Rep. Leigh Hulsey, R-Helena, that would require school boards to adopt policies restricting cellphone use by students during classroom instruction hours. (Getty)
The Alabama Senate gave final approval Wednesday to a ban cellphones during school hours in public schools.
HB 166, sponsored by Rep. Leigh Hulsey, R-Helena, would require local school boards to adopt a policy for students to store cellphones during class hours. The bill passed on a 30-2 vote and goes to Gov. Kay Ivey.
Much of the discussion on the Senate floor centered around an amendment proposed by Sen. Chris Elliot, R-Josephine, that would have allowed students to use their phones to contact their parents or legal guardians.
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Elliott said that while he 'support[s] what he's trying to do,' constituents told him they were concerned about not being able to reach their children during school hours. The chamber voted the amendment down on a 9-23 vote.
'You're going to hear from parents back home if this passes,' Elliot said to the body.
Students can access their phones under three exceptions: if they study under an Individualized Education Plan that allows it, for teacher-approved instruction and for medical purposes.
Sen. Donnie Chesteen, R-Geneva, who sponsored a similar bill and handled the legislation in the Senate, said that students can use the school's front office to contact their parents.
'In school systems where this has been implemented, it has worked,' Sessions said.
Cellphones can be stored in a locker, car or other storage device so long as they are not on the student's person. According to the Pew Research Center, 72% of U.S. high school teachers say that cellphone distraction is a major issue in their classrooms. At least 11 states ban or restrict cellphone use during school hours, according to KFF, and 17 other states have introduced legislation.
Ivey in her 2025 State of the State endorsed legislation to ban cellphones in schools, saying that social media is negatively impacting students.
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The Hill
28 minutes ago
- The Hill
Trump's palace coup leaves NASA in limbo
When President-elect Donald Trump nominated Jared Isaacman to become NASA administrator, it seemed like a brilliant choice. Business entrepreneur, private astronaut, Isaacman was just the man to revamp NASA and make it into a catalyst for taking humanity to the moon, Mars and beyond. Isaacman sailed through the confirmation process in the Senate Commerce Committee, chaired by Sen. Ted Cruz (R-Texas), by a vote of 19 to 9. He was poised to be confirmed by the full Senate when something so bizarre happened that it beggars the imagination. The White House suddenly and with no clear reason why, pulled Isaacman's nomination. After months of a confirmation process, NASA was back to square one for getting a new leader. Ars Technica's Eric Berger offered an explanation as to why. 'One mark against Isaacman is that he had recently donated money to Democrats,' he wrote. 'He also indicated opposition to some of the White House's proposed cuts to NASA's science budget.' But these facts were well known even before Trump nominated Isaacman. Trump himself, before he ran for president as a Republican, donated to Democrats and was close friends with Bill and Hillary Clinton. Berger goes on to say that a source told the publication that, 'with Musk's exit, his opponents within the administration sought to punish him by killing Isaacman's nomination.' The idea that Isaacman's nomination is being deep-sixed because of Musk runs contrary to the public praise that the president has given the billionaire rocket and electric car entrepreneur. Trump was uncharacteristically terse in his own social media post. 'After a thorough review of prior associations, I am hereby withdrawing the nomination of Jared Isaacman to head NASA,' he wrote. 'I will soon announce a new nominee who will be mission aligned, and put America First in Space. Thank you for your attention to this matter!' CNN reports that Isaacman's ouster was the result of a palace coup, noting that a source said, 'Musk's exit left room for a faction of people in Trump's inner circle, particularly Sergio Gor, the longtime Trump supporter and director of the White House Presidential Personnel Office, to advocate for installing a different nominee.' The motive seems to be discontent about the outsized influence that Musk has had on the White House and a desire to take him down a peg or two. Isaacman was profoundly gracious, stating in part, 'I am incredibly grateful to President Trump @POTUS, the Senate and all those who supported me throughout this journey. The past six months have been enlightening and, honestly, a bit thrilling. I have gained a much deeper appreciation for the complexities of government and the weight our political leaders carry.' The idea that a man like Isaacman, well respected by the aerospace community, who was predicted to sail through a confirmation vote in the full Senate, could be taken down by an obscure bureaucrat in White House intrigue, motivated by petty spite, is mind boggling. Even Sen. Mark Kelly (D-Ariz.), who has not been fond of Trump's space policy, was appalled. He posted on his X account that Isaacman 'ran into the kind of politics that is damaging our country.' 'Republicans and Democrats supported him as the right guy at the right time for the top job at NASA, but it wasn't enough.' NASA is in for months more of turmoil and uncertainty as the nomination process gets reset and starts grinding its way through the Senate. The draconian, truncated budget proposal is certainly not helpful, either. Congress, which had been supportive of Trump's space policy, is not likely to be pleased by the president's high-handed shivving of his own nominee. Whoever Trump chooses to replace Isaacman as NASA administrator nominee, no matter how qualified, should face some very direct questioning. Trump's NASA budget proposal should be dead on arrival, which, considering the cuts in science and technology, is not necessarily a bad thing. China must be looking at the spectacle of NASA being mired in political wrangling, a leadership vacuum and budget uncertainty with glee. Beijing has its own space ambitions, with a planned crewed lunar landing by 2030. It's possible that the Chinese will steal a march on NASA, with all the damage that will do to America's standing in the world. It didn't have to be this way. Isaacman could be settling in as NASA administrator, deploying his business acumen and vision to lead the space agency to its greatest achievements. Instead, America's space effort has received a self-inflicted blow from which it will be long in recovering, Mark R. Whittington, who writes frequently about space policy, has published a political study of space exploration entitled 'Why is It So Hard to Go Back to the Moon?' as well as 'The Moon, Mars and Beyond,' and, most recently, 'Why is America Going Back to the Moon?' He blogs at Curmudgeons Corner.


Politico
2 hours ago
- Politico
Paxton presents an opportunity in Texas — if Democrats can take advantage of it
Texas Republicans' messy Senate primary is giving Democrats hope that they could finally have an opening to wedge into higher office in the red state — for real this time. But a potential pileup of candidates as the party sees renewed interest in the race could spoil their chances of finally flipping the Lone Star State. Attorney General Ken Paxton, who endured multiple scandals while in office, is leading in the polls against longtime incumbent GOP Sen. John Cornyn. A Paxton victory could divide Republicans and potentially even sway some to support a Democrat. Nearly two dozen Texas Democratic members of Congress, party leaders and strategists described a sense of opportunity, but were divided on the type of candidate to run. Some argued for a progressive, others thought a more centrist candidate could gain traction, while others weren't even sure Democrats could pull off a win. There are calls both for new blood and for a proven candidate. Rep. Marc Veasey (D-Texas) just wants a candidate who'd 'sound like a Texas Democrat' and could buck national trends.. 'I think this is just a great opportunity for Democrats, and we don't need to blow it,' said Veasey, who said he isn't interested in a run. Flipping Texas is a perennial Democratic dream, but core constituencies have moved further to the right, and Democrats haven't held a Senate seat in the state since 1993. The state's expensive media markets require fundraising prowess. That leaves the party with a crowded field of interested candidates, but none with a proven track record of winning statewide. Plenty of Democrats are skeptical they'd even win against Paxton, whose nomination isn't guaranteed. 'I am hopeful that [Cornyn] could pull it off, because if you're going to have a Republican in Texas, why not let it be John,' said Rep. Sylvia Garcia (D-Texas). Democrats acknowledge they'd stand little chance of unseating Cornyn, who's been a fixture in Texas politics for decades. But Paxton, a Trump loyalist who was impeached by the Republican-held Texas House (and acquitted in the impeachment trial) and faced a federal corruption investigation, has been a polarizing figure in the Texas GOP, and, Democrats hope, an opponent they could defeat. 'Democrats are foaming at the mouth about Ken Paxton,' said Katherine Fischer, deputy executive director of Texas Majority PAC, which works to elect Democrats statewide. 'We're seeing in local elections in Texas and across the country there is already a backlash against Trump and against MAGA. Ken Paxton is about as MAGA as you can get.' First they need to find a viable Senate candidate. After coming up short in previous cycles, many Texas Democrats are hesitant about supporting former Reps. Colin Allred and Beto O'Rourke, both of whom have signaled their interest in another bid. O'Rourke, who unsuccessfully ran statewide in 2018 and 2022, has been hosting packed town halls across the state. Allred, who lost to Sen. Ted Cruz in 2024 by about 8.5 percentage points, has said he was 'seriously considering' another run. 'Well, [Allred and O'Rourke are] both talking about it, and I hope that they will resolve that one person's running and not all,' said Rep. Lloyd Doggett. Allred's failed campaign has left a bad taste among some Texans, especially progressives, who believe he did not run aggressively or do enough grassroots outreach. And while O'Rourke is still a favorite son in Texas Democratic circles, many of those supporters believe he will be haunted by his position against assault rifles in a gun-loving state. 'They both tried it, and especially the last time, the margins were pretty wide,' said Rep. Vicente Gonzalez (D-Texas). 'And I think those are all things to consider.' Joel Montfort, a Texas-based Democratic strategist, agreed: 'Putting the same two guys up over and over, I don't think that's going to deliver us.' That's why some say it's time to try something new. Texas Democrats have talked up potential bids by state Rep. James Talarico, the Democratic seminarian and frequently viral member who helped prosecute Paxton during his impeachment. Talarico told POLITICO: 'I'm having conversations about how I can best serve Texas, and that includes the Senate race. But in my training as a pastor, you learn the importance of listening and how hard it is to truly listen. With so much at stake for Texas, I'm trying to listen more than I talk right now.' His potential candidacy is generating some interest from players who have run successful upstart campaigns. 'It's going to take a Democrat who can make the case against Washington D.C., the status quo, and the powers that to be to win a senate race in Texas,' said Andrew Mamo, a veteran of Pete Buttigieg's presidential campaign who is informally advising Talarico. 'James is one of the rare people in the party with the profile and most importantly the storytelling skills to get that done.' State Sen. Nathan Johnson, a Dallas lawyer, is in the mix but he's also eyeing a run for attorney general. Some party insiders privately worry a state lawmaker won't bring the necessary firepower, saying they need to find a candidate with experience running statewide — or at least someone who represents Texas in Congress — due to the sheer amount of resources required to compete in the second-largest state. Veasey and fellow Democratic Rep. Joaquin Castro have both been talked up as potential candidates, though Veasey in an interview ruled out a run. A person close to Castro said he was actively looking at the race. While Democrats across the nation believe backlash against President Donald Trump's unpopular agenda like his DOGE cuts and trade war will help in the midterms, the Democratic dream of winning Texas — which once seemed like only a matter of time — now feels farther away. The party's coalition problems are on stark display in South Texas, where Latino-heavy border districts like Gonzalez's shifted dramatically toward Trump. Gonzalez and other Democrats have been warning of their party's need to reverse their fortunes with Latino voters. 'There is work to be done on Latino erosion,' said Tory Gavito, an Austin-based Democratic strategist. 'There is work to be done to make sure infrastructure is incredibly sound in places like Houston and Dallas and San Antonio and South Texas.' Progressive Democrats are eager to back a candidate who runs to the left of Allred, based on their belief that working-class voters can be brought back to the party with a populist economic message. 'We've got to have somebody run who's going to be willing to go travel the state, and connect with a diverse set of working-class voters,' said Rep. Greg Casar (D-Texas). 'In Texas, people are looking for somebody that's authentic and real, willing to tell it like it is, that's going to energize our base, but then bring a lot of disaffected voters back to the polls.' Allred is widely seen by Texas Democrats as the preferred candidate of Washington, and some said they're tired of out-of-state consultants in their backyard. 'We don't want people from D.C. telling Texans what to do,' said Nancy Thompson, a Democratic activist and founder of Mothers Against Greg Abbott. A strong contingent of the party, however, believes that running too far to the left would blow up their chances in what remains a socially conservative state. 'You have to have real candidates that are willing to sound like everyday Texans,' said Veasey. 'Being part of the national team will get your ass killed.'
Yahoo
2 hours ago
- Yahoo
GOP downplays Trump-Musk feud's impact on midterms
Republicans are downplaying concerns that the feud between President Trump and Elon Musk will hamper the party's chances of defending their majorities in the House and the Senate next year. In the midst of the escalating war of words on Thursday, Musk claimed Trump would not have won the White House without him last year and floated the idea of launching a third party. Musk has also threatened to use his financial war chest and platform to challenge Republicans backing Trump's legislative agenda. However, many Republicans say Trump's influence within the party is strong enough to withstand any kind of political challenge from Musk. Others even say they still think Musk is a part of their team. 'I think if you're a Republican in a primary and you have Trump's support and Elon's opposition, you're going to be okay,' said Rep. Nick LaLota (R-N.Y.), adding that the president would eclipse Musk 'by a 10 or 100-fold.' Musk notably took credit for Trump's White House during his keyboard war with Trump on Thursday, claiming Democrats would control the House and hold a 51 to 49 majority in the Senate. The billionaire was the single largest donor in the 2024 general election, spending nearly $300 million. Musk's political action committee, America PAC, supported Trump and a number of Republicans running in key congressional races. The PAC has remained active during Trump's second administration, spending over $18 million in a closely watched race for a Wisconsin Supreme Court seat. The group has also promoted Trump's work this cycle, releasing its first television ad following Trump's joint address to Congress earlier this year. But despite the resources poured into Wisconsin, the Democratic-backed candidate won the court seat in what was described by critics as an embarrassment for Musk. America PAC spent millions in 18 competitive House races. Ten of the PAC's backed GOP House candidates won their elections, while the other 8 lost. 'America PAC spent $20 million on House races but none of that was super consequential— none of it was on TV, just digital and canvassing,' said one national Republican operative, who noted Musk was still on the GOP 'team.' Speaker Mike Johnson called Musk 'a big contributor in the last election' in an interview on CNBC's 'Squawk Box' on Friday, but said it was ultimately 'a whole team effort.' 'I mean, President Trump is the most consequential political figure of his generation, of modern American history. He is the one responsible for that,' Johnson said. 'But we all worked hard. We delivered the House majority. I traveled the country nonstop. I did over 360 campaign events in 250 cities and 40 states, and I logged enough miles last year to circle the globe five and a half times. I mean, I contributed to it as well. All of our House Republicans did.' Democrats have spent much of the first half of this year making Musk a boogeyman of sorts, painting him as out of touch with most Americans. The feud between Trump and Musk does not appear to be changing that strategy going into the midterms. 'Democrats are going to win by highlighting the fact that Republicans are failing at lowering costs because they are too busy pushing tax breaks for the ultra-wealthy and big corporations, while making the rest of us pay for them,' said Viet Shelton, a spokesperson for the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee. 'Elon is, and forever will be, an instantly-recognizable manifestation of the fact that House Republicans don't work for the American people, they work for the billionaires.' Some Republicans remain weary of Musk, noting his massive online following that is made up of over 220 million followers on his platform X. Musk's views on the debt are widely shared by fiscally conservative voters. 'If Musk makes the national debt and deficit his defining issue and starts backing candidates who share that focus, it could create a real fracture inside the GOP. Trump's economic agenda has never been about fiscal restraint,' said a former White House communications aide who worked in the first Trump administration. 'If Musk begins channeling serious money into candidates who want to draw a hard line on spending and debt, you could see a Freedom Caucus 2.0 emerge — this time with financial firepower and a mandate to push back on Trump and Speaker Johnson's spending ambitions,' the aide said. But Rep. Ralph Norman (R-S.C.), a member of the House Freedom Caucus, threw cold water on the notion that the feud could jeopardize Republicans in the midterms. 'No, I don't think so. Now everybody's got to decide that. We all have one vote and we'll see,' Norman told The Hill. 'But I hope he keeps doing what he's doing and the team of people he put together, I want to do it statewide. Each state, I would do just what he's done with the federal government,' he added, referring to Musk's leadership at the Department of Government Efficiency (DOGE). DOGE Subcommittee Chair Marjorie Taylor Greene (R-Ga.) noted the importance of all of Trump's 2024 donors and supporters, including Musk, but suggested the two take their feud offline. 'I think every single American that voted for us deserves credit and Elon Musk is one vote,' Greene told reporters. 'I've said that every single vote and every single donor matters whether they've donated a dollar or hundreds of millions of dollars.' 'I don't think lashing out on the internet is the way to handle any kind of disagreement, especially when you have each other's cell phones,' she said. –Alex Gangitano and Emily Brooks contributed. Copyright 2025 Nexstar Media, Inc. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten, or redistributed.