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5 Things To Watch As the Trump-Musk Meltdown Proceeds

5 Things To Watch As the Trump-Musk Meltdown Proceeds

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Like so many pieces of President Donald Trump's self-created reality, the key he handed to fellow billionaire and government hater Elon Musk was oversized and appeared to be coated with gold coloration. That Potemkin moment was merely one week ago today.
Indeed, last Friday, Trump held the unusual send-off party for an adviser tasked with helping him destroy the spine of the federal workforce and a patron to his rise to power. Fast forward a week, and Trump has all but declared war on his one-time ally, lobbing threats to cancel federal contracts for everything from clean-energy cars, shuttles into the heavens, and access to satellite orbits. In turn, Musk kept pushing Republicans on the Hill to reject Trump's ambitious domestic policy agenda while throwing open the doors to conspiracy theories.
The back-and-forth brinksmanship captivated Washington as the week headed toward its end. Both parties seemed to understand their ownership of the news cycle, and it's entirely possible that most of this spat was as scripted as a professional-wrestling beef. 'One thing's for sure,' Musk posted on X, 'it ain't boring!'
That doesn't make it any less reckless.
Here are five things to watch as this story unfolds.
Does Trump Turn the Page?
As catty as this feud has been, it is ultimately a huge distraction from Trump's agenda. The more time spent on a personality clash between this pair of mercurial iconoclasts, the less time is being dedicated to getting Trump's pending domestic agenda across the finish line. This is, to be clear, a fight that could leave both men empty handed.
Trump is heading to his country club in New Jersey for the weekend, away from the White House and the churn of that campus. That may give Trump time to cool to a simmer—or to boil over if he's left alone with his DVR, social media feeds, and cell phone that gives him a constant hum of agitation.
Establishment Republicans fear the window for a once-an-administration legislative reach is closing fast. The White House set a Memorial Day deadline for House passage and just barely got there. Administration officials are now looking at a July 4 target for the Senate following suit. The sooner Trump can quiet his frustrations, the better the odds of snagging the brass ring.
Does Musk Escalate?
Once Musk suggested—without evidence—that Trump is somehow implicated in the sex-trafficking criminality tied to the late billionaire Jeffrey Epstein, there really was no telling where this goes next.
The mega-rich like Musk don't exactly have a huge degree of self-awareness or self-control. Musk knows he is already under Trump's skin, and any plays to exploit Trump's insecurities don't exactly take terrible imagination. That's why this stands to go further sideways in a big way.
Musk is not exactly known for keeping the savviest of political minds at his table. Unlike other deep-pocketed patrons, Musk does not have an army of consultants and so-called donor-advisers at the ready. But he does have the ear of some in Trump's inner circle, especially Donald Trump Jr. and Vice President J.D. Vance. If the White House is looking for an off-ramp, it might avail itself of those two lesser-appreciated insiders.
Is the 'Big Beautiful Bill' In Limbo?
At its core, this spat began over Musk's criticism of the deficit spending that would accompany the Trump-branded 'One Big Beautiful Bill' that preserves and expands Trump's first-term tax cuts, slices into clean-energy initiatives carried in Joe Biden's Inflation Reduction Act, and boosts spending on border and immigration policing. It's poised to add trillions to the national debt. Musk, a newly converted deficit hawk, has said he sees the red ink as an existential threat.
House Republicans powered their first leg of this marathon across the line with the barest of majorities and zero margin for error. Democrats were unified in their opposition, and remain even more so now that they've had time to unpack everything in a 1,000-plus-page bill that also would limit how much courts could rein in Trump and neuter the ability of states to regulate artificial intelligence.
In the Senate, things were already iffy. The White House plans to use a procedural trick that allows Senate Republicans to sidestep the typical filibuster rules and pass the legislation with a simple majority. But that's going to require keeping the parameters narrow and keeping the crayons inside the line, especially when it comes to long-term spending obligations. But Senate Republicans also plan to edit the bill text. Add in there Musk's threats of consequences for rubber stamping the House version and it's even murkier where this one goes.
Does MAGA World Have To Pick Sides?
As soon as Musk and Trump began bashing one another in earnest on Thursday, the GOP base immediately started agitating in three big directions.
In one corner were those bucking up Trump's flank. Former White House strategist Steve Bannon went so far as to suggest the feds look at Musk's immigration status, hinting that the South African-born Musk could find himself on the losing side of a deportation skirmish.
In another stood Musk's defenders, who said maybe the world's richest man was onto something when it came to the criticism that sparked the fallout: that the tax cuts in the bill would balloon the nation's already terrifying pile of IOUs. Musk's following remains huge, but he does not have a natural constituency the way other political leaders enjoy. That is why he is such a potent force in electoral efforts, especially among voters who feel no one in elected office has their interests at heart. Add in there the libertarian-minded Silicon Valley set, and it's an unusual coalition that few others could muster.
Finally—and this is where so many Republican lawmakers are falling in line—is the corner where there's a last-ditch hope that Trump and Musk can move on, forgetting the pettiness of the last week. The Kiss-and-Make-Up Caucus, as it's been jokingly called among Hill aides, is one with long odds, to be sure. But it's a detente that might allow both billionaires to save face while sparing lawmakers from picking sides, a fraught choice given the passions running high with low-information voters.
Johnson, speaking with reporters on Friday, tried to navigate a way out of this mess without any new tinder. 'It's not personal,' Johnson told CNBC on Friday. 'I don't tell my friend Elon how … to build rockets. I wish he wouldn't argue with me on how to craft legislation and pass it.'
Do Hill Democrats Finally Have an Opening?
Since Musk started busting-up the federal government in January, Hill Democrats have been in a listless tilt in search of a strategy. A few fiery speeches have not stopped Musk's march through the federal workforce. Some of the actions have been reversed, either through quiet climbdown or court-ordered pivots. But by and large, Democrats have been left on the sidelines and powerless to query Musk and his deputies, let alone stop them.
That may shift now. Musk is clearly no longer a loyalist to Trump, who could still avail himself of claims of executive privilege and block Musk's cooperation with the Hill Democrats. But with Musk openly encouraging Trump's impeachment—which would be a record third time!—there are chances that this escalates in truly history-making ways.
Hill Republicans have so far stuck together to protect Trump and, by extension, Musk from any real scrutiny. While much of Trump's Cabinet has bristled over Musk's over-reach into their fiefdoms, they have still dutifully shielded Musk and Co from any real oversight. Through some clever administrative trickery, the White House ensured that Musk was never technically a real federal employee, and even claimed he was never in charge of the office he was actually running. Efforts to haul him in for oversight hit a brick wall. Hill Republicans kept their frustrations buttoned-up and limited to closed-door venting.
Now that Musk is untethered, the game may have changed. If the White House wanted to, it could go so far as to encourage Congress to make use of its subpoena power. While that's an unlikely outcome, Musk can no longer be assured of the safe bunker in Washington he had when this second Trump term began.

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I try to use the least amount of fertilizer and herbicides that I can. Three main policies have been impacting us. Number one is the cancellation of USAID. That's about a billion dollars worth of grain that the United States purchases from farmers like me, and they give it to third world nations who are hungry. To kill that program is a disaster. It's morally bankrupt, and it hurts farmers' bottom line. Another thing that's very pressing is the payment freezes to farmers from the USDA. I was involved in the Climate-Smart practices. We were paid to implement stewardship practices that the USDA has been preaching since the Dust Bowl. The added benefit is these practices combat climate change. That's what the current administration doesn't want anything to do with. I'm supposed to be paid close to $100 an acre. Then the current administration came in and put a freeze on everything. $100 an acre may not sound like much, but there are some years where we're happy if we make $20 an acre off of things. I have an operating loan that I haven't been able to pay off because I was counting on this money. I have rent that's due. I have seed costs. I have chemical costs. I try to explain to people, if I were a repair person, and I went to my local grade school and fixed their furnace, and in the meantime, a new school board was elected, I still deserve to be paid. I've signed a contract with the USDA. The full faith and credit of the United States is at risk, because if Uncle Sam will renege on a farmer, they'll renege on anybody. The third one is the tariff situation. China is and has been our number one export for soybeans; 100% of the soybeans that I grow are exported. During Trump's first administration, half of all the soybeans that China purchased were from the United States. By the end of his first administration, it was down to a quarter. Now Brazil has taken over our role as the number one importer of soybeans into China. From an environmental standpoint, that means more deforestation in the Amazon. Mexico purchases 40% of all the corn in the United States. And he wants to have a trade war with Mexico? Mexico can just as easily buy their grain from Argentina and Brazil. The USDA has also canceled a lot of contracts for food pantries and school districts to purchase from local farmers, and that's absolutely devastating. I was just in Springfield, Illinois, testifying and hearing testimony from other farmers. Many of them are first-generation farmers, and that program gave them an outlet for their produce. It's so sad listening to them saying, 'I finally had my dream of owning my own farm and making a living at it. Now I don't know what I'm going to do, because my market has dried up.' Shah Kazemi, Monterey MushroomsSanta Cruz county, California People don't recognize that we either have to import our labor, or import our food. We operate five farms right now: in California, Tennessee, Texas and Mexico. We have close to 2,000 employees. Our business has been totally dependent on migrant workers, just like all other ag businesses in this country. Without them, there is no food on anybody's table. In 1983 we acquired a farm in Loudon, Tennessee. At the time we didn't have one migrant worker in that plant. By the early 1990s we had about 20% migrant workers, and by the early 2000s we had 85%, because nobody wants to do that kind of work any more in this country. When you're bent over picking strawberries, cucumber, lettuce, zucchini, whatever the crop is – try to do that for eight hours. See how your back feels, how the rest of your body feels. Farming is hard, physical work. These are skilled workers, harvesting at a certain rate to stay productive; you have to know your trade. A skilled mushroom picker can pick about 75 to 80 pounds an hour, and some of them exceed 100 pounds an hour. A new picker comes in, their productivity is in the 20s, and it will take six to eight months to get them up to 50. So if you had to replace a guy that's picking 80 pounds an hour with people who are picking in the 20s, you need three or four of them. We have a lot of respect and admiration for these people. They're really underappreciated. I have a friend who is in the farming business. About a month ago, there was an Ice [Immigration and Customs Enforcement] raid in the area. The following day, most of his employees didn't show up. Even the people who have been here for a long time, they're listening to the news and hearing that people with green cards are being deported. The fear factor has been heightened significantly. 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Josh Sneddon, Fox at the ForkMonee, Illinois I got into farming because I love to cook. When I was in New Jersey and I was getting my food from local farmers, ranchers and fishermen, the quality of the food was so much better that my spice cabinet became essentially salt and pepper, because the food was good enough [on its own]. I took my entrepreneurial spirit and applied it to my interest in building a local food system driven by higher-quality foods, greater accessibility, and a climate smart focus on our food system. Fox at the Fork is a 10-acre regenerative farm – we grow fruit and nut trees like pecans, persimmons and currants, while also stewarding approximately one acre of land intensively in annual vegetables. It's my fifth year in business. In prior farm bills and administrations, the USDA supported individuals like me who are considered 'beginning farmers'. That's one of their historically underserved categories. The USDA [formerly] created and reinforced programs that supported individuals who hadn't had the same opportunities – Bipoc, LGBTQ+, beginning, veteran farmers – to have an equitable shot at growing and establishing small-scale food businesses in their communities. Being considered a beginning farmer was part of the criteria that has helped me secure NRCS [Natural Resources Conservation Service] grants, one of them being a Conservation Stewardship Program contract. That's a five-year contract that recognizes all of the conservation practices we implemented. For us, that's about [protecting] native prairie; cover cropping; building bird boxes to bring back native kestrels and owls. Almost all federal grants require that some of the money spent is yours and is not reimbursed. So farmers have a stake in the game; it's not just the government giving out corn and soy subsidies. The other program that really helped our farm last year [that has been canceled under the current administration] is the LFPA, the Local Food Purchase Assistance Cooperative Agreement Program. It was getting up to $25m [in Illinois] that had been obligated to the state for food distribution organizations like food banks, who provide food to the community and pay a fair market value to us farmers. I also have a Reap contract – the Rural Energy for America Program – which is another program that faced direct cuts. At the end of last year, I spent approximately $79,000 to install solar, having already received approval and signed paperwork. That grant is a 25% reimbursement through the USDA reap, which is for me, $19,784. I'm still waiting for that. Not receiving that $19,784 has slowed what investments I'm going to make for the year. It's hard to predict the long-term impacts, but the short-term impact is more anxiety, fewer investments on the farm, and likely greater effort trying to get my food placed in the community at a fair market price. Patrick Brown, Brown Family FarmsWarren county, North Carolina I'm a fourth-generation row crop farmer. My home farm is about 165 acres. I also grow industrial hemp fiber and produce – watermelons, leafy greens, tomatoes, sweet corn. We're an impoverished community, and we don't have access to a lot of food, so I try to get healthy options to children especially. We were participants for the past two years in a USDA project – which has just gotten terminated – providing fresh food to local schools. We also created a non-profit to help create a path for young kids that want to become farmers. And I also am a director of a non-profit called Nature for Justice, and we were awarded a USDA Climate-Smart contract to help farmers with conservation practices. All my projects that were funded by the federal government have been terminated during the current administration. It's caused us to pivot. We're so used to not having anything – as a minority farmer, that's the way things have always been. But when you sign a government contract, you feel some sense of, 'this can't be taken away.' I was doing two projects: one for cover crops and nutrient management, and the other one to plant trees to help with erosion and chemical drift, and to create habitat for wildlife. We did all this work and invested all this money, all for them to say, as of 29 January, the project is no longer in place. We were expecting to get over $65,000 this year from work we did in 2024. They claim that I will eventually get the money, but who knows how long that will be held up? Plus, the announcements made during this administration through the secretary of agriculture are not getting down to the rural community offices that represent small farmers. It's almost as if things are announced on social media, and then the offices hear about it. And our local NRCS offices and our Farm Service Agency offices are more understaffed than they've been in 20 years. The technical assistance is non-existent. The main thing we need right now is for our local legislators to speak up for us. A lot of them are being quiet. But we need to advocate against the wrongdoing that is being done to farmers.

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