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Rising communal tensions, internal divisions & economic boycotts spark fear across Maha villages

Rising communal tensions, internal divisions & economic boycotts spark fear across Maha villages

PUNE: Even as the dust settles on the violence that rocked Yavat in Daund tehsil of Pune district a week ago following a derogatory social media post and desecration of a statue of Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj on July 26, the fissures caused by rising communal tensions and divisions within the Muslim community not to mention the economic fallout of the same are becoming increasingly apparent. The Yavat Gram Panchayat has only added fuel to the fire by passing a resolution calling for a survey to identify 'outsiders' settled in the town (HT)
Yavat – a town with a population of around 20,000 on the Pune-Solapur highway – has for long been a melting pot with migrants from Marathwada and other states settling there over the years, many of them Muslims. In the aftermath of the violence however, there is now a rift within the Muslim community.
A lifelong resident of Yavat on condition of anonymity said, 'We've lived together for generations. But now, everyone is looking over their shoulder. The word 'outsider' is being bandied around even among our own people.'
Faiyaz Tamboli, a local property dealer, echoed similar sentiments. 'A day prior to the violence, I had tea with friends from all communities. The next day, houses were attacked. Nothing feels the same anymore,' he said.
The Yavat Gram Panchayat has only added fuel to the fire by passing a resolution calling for a survey to identify 'outsiders' settled in the town, especially in areas such as Indira Nagar and Sahakar Nagar that are home to many migrant Muslims. Sarpanch Sammer Durge even claimed that the man accused of desecrating the statue of Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj was an outsider and that such elements must be identified to maintain peace.
A local social worker said, 'What's dangerous is that now, even Muslim communities are being internally divided. The word 'outsider' is being used to dehumanise, isolate, and eventually expel'.
Earlier in May, a similar incident occurred in Mulshi tehsil in which the desecration of the idol at Nageshwar temple in Paud involving a minor and his father, both from the Muslim community, sparked the emergence of banners in villages such as Paud, Urawade and Ghotawade banning entry to 'non-local Muslims'. The police eventually removed these signboards and arrested those responsible but the damage lingered. Many Muslim-owned bakeries, shops, and scrap businesses were forced to shut down amid threats and calls for boycott.
Najmuddin Khan, whose bakery had served Paud for over two decades, said, 'I've never experienced anything like this. Even during the worst of times, we lived together. This time, people stopped talking to us. They stopped buying from us. I had to shut down.'
Another resident who did not wish to be named said that the small scrap shop he had been running for 10 years was burned down in the days after the desecration. 'No one came forward to help. Not even the landlord. I had to leave. I went back to my native village in Uttar Pradesh,' he said.
Civil rights groups such as the People's Union for Civil Liberties (PUCL) and Association for Protection of Civil Rights (APCR) documented how (Muslim) families who had lived and worked in Paud, Pirangut, Kolvan, and Sutarwadi for decades were suddenly labelled as 'outsiders' and driven out. The fear, residents said, was not just of violence, but of being isolated and pushed into poverty and invisibility.
According to the PUCL's June 30 (2025) petition, nearly 40 families fled Paud and its neighbouring areas. The report stated that in addition to economic isolation, the atmosphere had become emotionally and psychologically hostile for minorities, especially amid calls from politicians, one such being Maharashtra minister for fisheries and port development, Nitesh Rane. Rane in March launched the 'Malhar Certification', a private initiative for Hindu meat traders, which he claimed would identify '100% Hindu-run mutton shops' and ensure 'no adulteration'. The certification, he said, would help customers avoid Halal meat and favour meat prepared through Jhatka methods by Hindu butchers. 'Only Hindus will be involved in Jhatka production. There will be no ritualistic slaughter,' Rane said, indicating an economic boycott of Muslims.
General secretary of PUCL, Milind Champanerkar, observed, 'This isn't just about local vendettas. There's a larger ideological push that's creating deep polarisation.' He added that these boycott campaigns are not spontaneous but part of a deliberate strategy to isolate Muslims from economic and social life. 'Unless these actions are nipped in the bud, they'll become normalised. The administration has to draw a red line,' he said.
When contacted, Pune district collector Jitendra Dudi told Hindustan Times that he had received the PUCL's letter and was re-evaluating the situation. 'According to feedback from Pune rural and Pimpri-Chinchwad police, the boycott was reportedly withdrawn two months ago. Still, I've asked for fresh reports. If unconstitutional activities are continuing, disciplinary action will follow.'
Whereas superintendent of police Sandeep Singh Gill said that the signboards with hate messages that had emerged in villages including Paud had been taken down. 'The situation is now normal,' he said. However, for many affected families, normalcy is still far away.
Elsewhere in Guha village of Rahuri, Ahilyanagar, another dispute—over the identity of a 500-year-old dargah—similarly led to Muslim shopkeepers being asked to vacate their premises. While members of local religious trusts denied perpetrating any such organised campaign, residents said that the message is clear: Muslims, especially those not rooted in the village for generations, are being viewed with suspicion.
From Yavat to Paud to Rahuri, the thread connecting these incidents is not just communal polarisation but also the stigmatisation of 'outsiders' and the shrinking space for coexistence.
Earlier this year in February, a gram sabha in Madhi village of Ahilyanagar district (formerly Ahmednagar) passed a resolution barring Muslim traders from participating in the annual Kanifnath Maharaj Yatra. The move was justified by some villagers as an attempt to preserve 'traditions' though critics labelled it as an unconstitutional act of exclusion. Despite the outcry, the decision was allowed to stand.
A similar pattern emerged in June when the Shri Shaneshwar Devasthan Trust in Shani Shingnapur dismissed 167 employees, including 114 Muslims, citing issues like absenteeism and underperformance. The move came shortly after Nationalist Congress Party (NCP) MLA Sangram Jagtap threatened to launch a protest over the hiring of Muslim staff at the shrine. While the trust denied any communal motivation, activists and locals saw it as another sign of increasing religious discrimination being brushed off as administrative routine.
PUCL vice-president Anwar Rajan summarised the concern as, 'Communal rhetoric is no longer confined to speeches. It's influencing village decisions, reshaping local economies, and redefining who belongs and who doesn't. If not countered urgently, these patterns could become permanent'.
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