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Nato chief praises Trump for making Europe ‘pay in a big way' on defence

Nato chief praises Trump for making Europe ‘pay in a big way' on defence

The US president, while flying aboard Air Force One en route to The Hague, published a screenshot of a private message from Mr Rutte saying: 'Donald, you have driven us to a really, really important moment for America and Europe and the world. You will achieved something NO American president in decades could get done.'
Mr Rutte also wrote: 'Europe is going to pay in a BIG way, as they should, and it will be your win.'
Nato confirmed that he sent the message.
The allies are likely to endorse a goal of spending 5% of their gross domestic product on their security, to be able to fulfil the alliance's plans for defending against outside attack.
Still, Spain has said it cannot, and that the target is 'unreasonable'.
Slovakia said that it reserves the right to decide how to reach the target by Nato's new 2035 deadline.
'There's a problem with Spain. Spain is not agreeing, which is very unfair to the rest of them, frankly,' US President Donald Trump told reporters on Air Force One on his way to the summit.
In 2018, a Nato summit during Mr Trump's first term unravelled due to a dispute over defence spending.
Ahead of the two-day meeting, Britain, France and Germany committed to the 5% goal. Host country the Netherlands is also on board. Nations closer to the borders of Ukraine, Russia and its ally Belarus had previously pledged to do so.
Mr Trump's first appearance at Nato since returning to the White House was supposed to centre on how the US secured the historic military spending pledge from others in the security alliance — effectively bending it to its will.
But in the spotlight instead is Mr Trump's decision to strike three nuclear enrichment facilities in Iran that the administration says eroded Tehran's nuclear ambitions, as well as the president's sudden announcement that Israel and Iran had reached a 'complete and total ceasefire'.
Ukraine has also suffered as a result of that conflict. It has created a need for weapons and ammunition that Kyiv desperately wants, and shifted the world's attention away.
Past Nato summits have focused almost entirely on the war in Ukraine, now in its fourth year.
Still, Mr Rutte insists it remains a vital issue for Nato, and that the allies can manage more than one conflict.
'If we would not be able to deal with… the Middle East, which is very big and commanding all the headlines, and Ukraine at the same time, we should not be in the business of politics and military at all,' he said. 'If you can only deal with one issue at a time, that will be that. Then let other people take over.'
Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky arrived in The Hague for a series of meetings, despite his absence from a leaders' meeting aiming to seal the agreement to boost military spending.
It is a big change since the summit in Washington last year, when the military alliance's weighty communique included a vow to supply long-term security assistance to Ukraine, and a commitment to back the country 'on its irreversible path' to Nato membership.
Mr Zelensky's first official engagement was with Dutch caretaker Prime Minister Dick Schoof at his official residence just across the road from the summit venue.
But in a telling sign of Ukraine's status at the summit, neither leader mentioned Nato. Ukraine's bid to join the alliance has been put in deep freeze by Mr Trump.
'Let me be very clear, Ukraine is part of the family that we call the Euro-Atlantic family,' Mr Schoof told Mr Zelensky, who in turn said he sees his country's future in peace 'and of course, a part of a big family of EU family'.
Mr Schoof used the meeting to announce a new package of Dutch support to Kyiv including 100 radar systems to detect drones and a move to produce drones for Ukraine in the Netherlands, using Kyiv's specifications.
The US has made no new public pledges of support to Ukraine since Mr Trump took office six months ago.
Meeting later with Mr Rutte and top EU officials, Mr Zelensky appealed for European investment in Ukraine's defence industry, which can produce weapons and ammunition more quickly and cheaply than elsewhere in Europe.
'No doubt, we must stop (Russian President Vladimir) Putin now and in Ukraine. But we have to understand that his objectives reach beyond Ukraine. European countries need to increase defence spending,' he said.
He said that Nato's new target of 5% of GDP 'is the right level'.
In a joint tribune on the eve of this year's summit, French President Emmanuel Macron and German Chancellor Friedrich Merz said they backed US peace efforts that should preserve Ukraine's sovereignty and European security.
'For as long as the current trajectory lasts, Russia will find in France and Germany an unshakeable determination. What is at stake will determine European stability for the decades to come,' they wrote in the Financial Times.
'We will ensure that Ukraine emerges from this war prosperous, robust and secure, and will never live again under the fear of Russian aggression,' the two leaders wrote.

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Ukraine-Russia war latest: Missile attack kills 17 in Dnipro before Zelensky-Trump meeting at Nato summit
Ukraine-Russia war latest: Missile attack kills 17 in Dnipro before Zelensky-Trump meeting at Nato summit

The Independent

time32 minutes ago

  • The Independent

Ukraine-Russia war latest: Missile attack kills 17 in Dnipro before Zelensky-Trump meeting at Nato summit

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Donald Trump is not the first politician to swear in public. Here are six more infamous expletives
Donald Trump is not the first politician to swear in public. Here are six more infamous expletives

The Guardian

time34 minutes ago

  • The Guardian

Donald Trump is not the first politician to swear in public. Here are six more infamous expletives

According to Donald Trump, Iran and Israel 'don't know what the fuck they're doing'. Waking up to find the ceasefire he had brokered had been violated, the US president told reporters outside the White House: 'Israel, as soon as we made the deal, they came out and they dropped a load of bombs, the likes of which I've never seen before, the biggest load that we've seen.' 'We basically have two countries that have been fighting so long and so hard that they don't know what the fuck they're doing.' Asked about Trump's comments on Wednesday, the Australian prime minister Anthony Albanese said, 'I think that he stated his views pretty abruptly and I think they were very clear.' Sign up for Guardian Australia's breaking news email The furious expletive reflected 'the gravity, the enormity of the situation in the Middle East', the treasurer, Jim Chalmers, said earlier in the day. Trump is not the first leader to drop the f-word in a high-profile situation. Here are similarly startling instances. Amid all-night climate talks with world leaders in Copenhagen in 2009, former Australian prime minister Kevin Rudd used the phrase 'rat-fucking' to describe China's stone-walling on a deal. Rudd was exhausted and exasperated when he began his rant against the Chinese government, political commentator David Marr wrote in his Quarterly Essay on Rudd. 'His anger was real, but his language seemed forced, deliberately foul,' Marr wrote. 'In this mood, he'd been talking about countries 'rat-fucking' each other for days. Was a deal still possible, asked one of the Australians. 'Depends whether those rat-fucking Chinese want to fuck us'.' (Rudd said this in a briefing off the record, but it was reported anyway. It was not his only brush with having his swearing leaked.) As King Charles finished addressing Australian parliament during his visit in 2024, he was met by a protest from independent senator Lidia Thorpe, who approached the stage yelling, 'This is not your country'. 'You committed genocide against our people. Give us our land back. Give us what you stole from us – our bones, our skulls, our babies, our people,' Thorpe, a Gunnai, Gunditjmara and Djab Wurrung woman said. 'You destroyed our land. Give us a treaty.' As security officers escorted Thorpe out, she shouted: 'This is not your land. You are not my king. You are not our king.' And as she was forced back into the foyer, she could be heard shouting: 'Fuck the colony!' Former Mexican president Vicente Fox gave an uncompromising response to Trump's plans as Republican presidential frontrunner to make Mexico pay for a wall sealing off the country along the US border. 'I'm not going to pay for that fucking wall. He should pay for it. He's got the money,' Fox told Jorge Ramos on Fusion in 2016. Fox was asked if he was 'afraid that he's going to be the next president of the United States?', and what that would mean for Mexico. His response: 'No, no, no, – democracy can not take that.' After introducing Barack Obama at the signing ceremony for a healthcare reform legislation at the White House in 2010, then-vice-president Joe Biden turned, hugged the then-US president, and excitedly whispered: 'This is a big fucking deal!' But he was loud enough to be picked up by microphones, and Fox News repeatedly ran the clip, adding to the lore of Biden's loose lips. Paul Gogarty, an Irish Greens member of parliament, had to apologise for using 'unparliamentary language' against a Labour counterpart in a heated exchange over plans to cut social welfare payments. 'I respected your sincerity, I ask that you respect mine,' Gogarty said, before shouting: 'With all due respect and in the most unparliamentary of language, fuck you Deputy Stagg. Fuck you!' Gogarty then immediately apologised: 'I now withdraw and apologise for it, but in outrage, that someone dares to question my sincerity on this issue.' In another Trump-related moment, representative Rashida Tlaib literally swore to impeach the US president just hours after she was sworn in as one of the first two Muslim women in Congress. 'We're gonna impeach the motherfucker,' she said at a 2019 event hosted by the liberal group MoveOn. It drew applause from the room, but also sparked political pushback from Tlaib's Democratic colleagues in the House.

Starmer's directionless national security strategy fools no one
Starmer's directionless national security strategy fools no one

Spectator

timean hour ago

  • Spectator

Starmer's directionless national security strategy fools no one

Sometimes it feels as if the government's approach to defence and security could be summed up by the venerable punchline of the Irish farmer, 'I wouldn't have started from here'. Despite having had more than four years as Leader of the Opposition to prepare, Sir Keir Starmer never quite seems able to seize the initiative as Prime Minister, often being left puce and blinking. Yesterday saw the publication of the UK's national security strategy (NSS) 2025, Security for the British people in a dangerous world. It had been announced in February and promised before this week's Nato summit (in fact, it was released on the summit's first day). The Prime Minister argued it would pull together a number of extant reviews: the Strategic Defence Review, the AUKUS review, the Defence Industrial Strategy, the China audit, the FCDO's three internal reviews and the strategy for countering state threats, among others. The danger is that if everything is 'national security', then nothing is It was obvious at the time that this sequencing was nonsensical. The UK's first national security strategy, Security in an interdependent world, was a product of Gordon Brown's government, issued in 2008, and it was genuinely innovative. It was meant to conceptualise 'national security' in a new and broad way, taking in not just traditional elements like military operations, diplomacy, intelligence and counter-terrorism, but 'threats to individual citizens and to our way of life, as well as to the integrity and interests of the state'. Brown billed it as 'a single, overarching strategy bringing together the objectives and plans of all departments, agencies and forces involved in protecting our national security' From it flowed a number of discrete tasks and policies. The approach was not complicated: determine the big picture, then decide how to support it in practical terms. Starmer's national security strategy has done almost the opposite (though that ascribes to it too much coherence). We have seen the Strategic Defence Review setting out the future shape and tasks of the armed forces, three internal FCDO reviews have reported to the Foreign Secretary (but not released) and as much of the China audit as we will see is in the National Security Strategy. Meanwhile the Defence Industrial Strategy is a work in progress, and the AUKUS review risks being made irrelevant by the Trump administration's own re-examination. So it is neither top-down, nor bottom-up, but rather lacking any direction at all. I wouldn't have started from here. One important element of the NSS is an announcement on expenditure. The Nato summit is expected to agree a spending target of 5 per cent of GDP, made up of 3.5 per cent on core defence capabilities and 1.5 per cent on 'resilience and security'. The NSS contains an 'historic commitment to spend 5 per cent of GDP on national security', which is encouraging, but the detail is teeming with devils. First, the date by which the UK is expected to meet this level of spending is 2035. That is at least two general elections away; Vladimir Putin will turn 83 and Donald Trump will be 89, if either is spared. Meanwhile, the Royal Navy's Vanguard-class ballistic missile submarines will be coming out of service. It is a long time away, and it remains a target without any practical steps to reach it. The NSS also widens the scope of 'national security' further than ever before. Including energy policy may seem defensible, but attaching the label to 'green growth', 'inequality' or 'stripping out red tape' starts to stretch credibility. The interdepartmental nature of the 'national security' umbrella is vital – but the danger is that if everything is 'national security', then nothing is. This matters because if the government simply moves spending from one column on its mother of all spreadsheets to another, it does not acquire a new capability. Equally, there is no deterrent effect on Russia or China, or 'Parma or Spain, or any prince of Europe, should dare to invade the borders of my realm' – as Elizabeth I once so neatly put it. If the Prime Minister designates Border Security Command as a 'national security' asset, that is £150 million he had already earmarked, not new investment. The 2008 national security strategy was a serious and systematic attempt, supervised and delivered by Robert Hannigan and Patrick Turner, to design an overarching framework for the defence of the UK and its interests, then develop policies to support that framework. Its 2025 successor does not –by its nature and timing cannot – achieve that same goal. The national security strategy is not all bad; it comes in large part from the pen of the formidable Professor John Bew, who spent five years in Downing Street as foreign policy adviser to four successive prime ministers. But he has been asked to change the tyres on a moving car, creating a strategy around half a dozen other reviews in various stages of progress. There must be very serious concerns now that it is little more than a centripetal instrument for pulling in enough government expenditure nominally to meet our Nato obligations. Our allies are unlikely to be fooled, and our enemies will certainly not be.

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