
Inside the migrant gateway to Britain that staff say is a TINDERBOX: Manston is where most illegal boat migrants are taken for processing, but the truth about what happens there is as alarming as it's scandalous
They are the first words uttered by boat migrants to British authorities after they set foot on our soil: 'Where is the hotel?'
It is what they invariably say when they get off buses at the giant migrant reception camp on a former RAF base in Manston, Kent – the centre that processes all who arrive on traffickers' boats.
We know this because, for the first time, whistleblowers at Manston have talked to the Mail in an investigation that lays bare in terrifying detail how overwhelmed staff struggle to adequately process the sheer numbers of migrants arriving on peak crossing days at Manston's doors.
The whistleblowers told us that inadequate checks mean they are powerless to prevent migrants who have criminal pasts from being released on to Britain's streets, and staying in hotels across the country.
'They ask us that hotel question immediately,' a young male worker at the camp said this week. 'They expect to get a hotel bed straight away and that is one key reason they come to the UK. We are told not to answer – to distract them by offering a bag of crisps or a bottle of water.'
So pressing is the concern about where they will stay, added the workers, that 'only the fear of not being given a hotel stops them misbehaving or running out of control at the camp. They could overwhelm us by sheer numbers in what feels like a tinderbox about to explode'.
The Manston workers said they are told by the Home Office to refer to the thousands of migrants passing through the camp as 'residents' as if they are paying guests.
Alarmingly, they are instructed not to talk about their private life to migrants, who are mainly young men, in case the information puts them at risk after the strangers leave the camp and are free to roam Britain.
'We must not say if we have children, for instance, or where we live because our families could be targeted by one of these foreign men at a later date,' the Mail was told.
The whistleblowers talked to the Mail on the phone, via social media, face to face, and through intermediaries.
All spoke on the condition of anonymity, for fear of reprisals from the Home Office which runs the camp amid great secrecy. Some have left Manston recently; others still do occasional shifts there on security, medical, cleaning, catering or administration duties.
What emerged from our conversations is a deeply concerning picture of a migrant reception centre they described as 'chaos' and 'a joke'. And crucially, a centre where migrants 'routinely lie' about their backgrounds, their ages, and their nationalities – so no one can discover whether they have a criminal past.
'Most coming in are men. No one knows who they are, or their history,' a worker said.
'The men could be murderers or paedophiles. They throw away their identity documents either in France before getting on a boat or at sea when they are travelling over.'
Another worker added: 'We know what the migrants tell us is often a falsehood but there is nothing we can do. We have to write it on their records as though it is the truth.
'Time and again, the migrants give us the same fantasy story as if they have learned a script. The Afghans say they are running from the Taliban. Some Africans from strict religious countries say they are gay and they will be killed at home for their homosexuality. A lot even give the same birth date of January 1.'
A third worker explained: 'Britain is being hoodwinked. We have to accept at face value that their name and country is correct. There is no way of telling because, since Brexit, the EU police don't allow Britain to cross check the fingerprints or information collected when the migrant first entered Europe before arriving at Calais for the boats.
'Some will have been deported from EU countries for crimes. Some will have spent time in prison abroad.
'But we don't know – we can only start with a blank sheet. Yet within days these strangers are sprinkled around the country. If they are considered a potential danger to us staff, why are they not considered a risk to the British public?' At least 150,000 migrants have arrived on traffickers' boats to Britain in the last seven years.
Nearly 2,000 have sailed over in the last 8 days, bringing the tally since Labour took office last July close to 40,000.
Today, hundreds more throng on the French coast waiting to cross the 21 miles to Dover.
All the boat arrivals are put on buses from Dover port to Manston reception camp for fingerprinting and background checks. They spend 24 hours in a 'custody' marquee, before being moved to on-site chalets for up to three days as medicals are performed and more forms filled in.
At least 90 per cent of them claim asylum, telling Manston staff they face persecution, oppression, or war in their home country. They are not allowed mobiles at the camp, but are permitted to use on-site phones to call immigration lawyers for advice.
Within 'normally just 72 hours', they are bussed out, in vehicles with darkened windows and often at night, to requisitioned hotels or leased Home Office houses up and down Britain.
'The Manston staff are getting depressed, even suicidal,' claimed one of our informants.
'As for the migrants themselves, the men often have sexually transmitted diseases, and scabies affects a lot of them.
'I have seen foreign mothers so tired and dehydrated as they waited in the custody marquee on a hard seat, that they nearly let their babies slip from their laps to the ground.
'The sights you see are unimaginable. Some 'residents' are whole families of three generations from the grandfather to his grandchildren. They are clearly here seeking a better life but still claim to be asylum seekers.'
Our probe into the camp coincided with a damning report this week that exposed the extent of child rape grooming gangs in Britain's towns and cities.
The author, Baroness Casey, revealed for the first time that asylum seekers and foreign nationals are involved in a 'significant proportion' of the around 12 live police investigations into this hideous crime.
The disclosure has led Home Secretary Yvette Cooper to accept Baroness Casey's recommendation for the mandatory collection of the ethnicity and nationality of all child sex abuse suspects. Foreign-born paedophiles will, in future, be banned from claiming asylum.
Ministry of Justice data also shows that one in five child-sex offence convictions involves foreign nationals. The worrying statistic was handed to the Independent MP Rupert Lowe who is running his own national
'Rape Gang Inquiry' after the Government initially refused to do so. He says not a 'single foreign national should be in our country raping children'.
Shadow Home Secretary, Tory Chris Philp has also stated that a 'significant' number of the paedophiles involved in grooming gangs are asylum seekers or foreigners. 'More illegal immigrants have entered the UK across the Channel so far this year than any other in history,' he added.
All this is highly relevant to what is going on at Manston and begs the question of whether the checks made there are worth
the paper they are printed on. Last year the Mail published a map of England showing where asylum seekers had been convicted of crimes, including paedophilia, rape, knife attacks and murders, around the country. Many had slipped in by boat across the Channel.
Our report highlighted an Afghan asylum seeker, Rasuili Zubaidullah, 22, who had drugged, raped and killed a 13-year-old girl in Vienna, Austria, in 2020.
Just weeks after committing the crime, as a manhunt for him was launched by Vienna police, he sailed to Britain on a trafficker's boat using a fake name.
Saying he was a refugee, he was sent to a migrants' hotel in Whitechapel, east London. Only when Austrian immigration police tracked him to the hotel, alerting the British, was he deported to face a trial which led to his murder conviction.
What is plainly an asylum charade has been going on for years. It began well before Manston was opened in 2022 in response to traffickers sending more and more small boats with migrants across the Channel.
Almost 20 years ago, under Tony Blair's Labour government, the Mail first blew open the scandal of asylum seekers and their links to crime.
In 2006 we exposed the case of Oule Doucoure, an African who was then 23, who smuggled himself into Britain – on what was believed to be a Channel ferry lorry – before raping and half strangling a young nanny in a terrifying assault.
Doucoure, who had found work as a kitchen porter working in the restaurant of Harvey Nichols' store in Knightsbridge, spied the 21-year-old woman on a London bus and followed her home. He nearly killed the woman who fainted in the attack.
He was jailed and immediately claimed political asylum, joining the 3,500-strong ranks of asylum seekers among 11,000 foreign criminals in our prisons.
Doucoure had destroyed his passport and refused to tell the authorities who he was or which country he came from – just as so many arriving at Manston do.
Back then, one in every ten foreign criminals was deliberately obscuring their identity and country of birth to hamper deportation. The result? Like Doucoure, whose whereabouts is now unknown, they were deemed to be stateless convicts who, therefore, could not be sent back anywhere whatever their bad deeds.
What is certain, is that some asylum seekers – including a number of those coming in on the boats through Manston and currently living in hotels – are involved in sex crimes against under-age British women and girls.
Only this week an Afghan asylum seeker who raped a 15-year-old after following her in a Scottish town centre was jailed for nine years. Sadeq Nikzad, 29, attacked the teenager in Falkirk in 2023 soon after arriving illegally on a small boat.
His lawyers told the judge he had not been educated in 'cultural differences' between Britain and Afghanistan. We have monitored the websites of self-appointed 'online child protection' teams, Britons who snare internet predators of under-age girls and hand them to the police. The videos are shocking viewing.
In one sting, a man said to be an asylum seeker from Afghanistan is caught by a team in Newcastle upon Tyne after attempting to meet a 14-year-old British girl. He says on video: 'I want to meet my little girl. I will marry and convert her (to Islam). Get the police. I don't care.'
Another video from a team shows the capture of 'lonely' asylum seeker Kalid Oryakhel. He had been in the country nine months and living in a Home Office migrants' hotel in Otley, near Leeds, when he tried to groom two young girls on-line.
A court in 2023 heard the 26-year-old 'predator', believed to be an Afghan, had invited the children to 'make love' in the hotel garden, then sent them lewd messages and a three-minute film of him masturbating. He was found guilty and jailed for 45 months.
Our contacts among the online protection teams told us this week: 'The migrant hotels do harbour sex pests and predators. It is naïve to say otherwise.
'They are getting to live among us in Britain and are endangering our children.'
None of this would surprise the Manston whistleblowers who are ordered by the Home Office never to talk about their work.
'We have got to the point where we cannot remain silent,' said one of them. And who, in all honesty, can blame them?

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles


Daily Mail
3 hours ago
- Daily Mail
EXCLUSIVE Revealed: Kenneth Noye's new life. He brutally stabbed two men and stole £26m. Now as he swans around Kent with a much younger lover and plays doting grandfather, friends expose the dark truth
Life, of late, has been undeservedly kind to Kenneth Noye. Despite having a couple of killings under his belt, not to mention a ruthless hand in one of the most lucrative heists in British history, the gangster is a familiar sight on the streets of Sevenoaks, Kent. He is often seen pottering around his local supermarket, clutching an eco-friendly bag for life, nipping into the gym opposite his top-floor flat or simply whizzing around in his Mercedes 4x4. Noye, 78, has been spotted, too, playing the part of doting grandfather alongside other families during sports day at a nearby £30,000-a-year private school.


Daily Mail
3 hours ago
- Daily Mail
GUY ADAMS: Vegan influencer and founder of the hate-filled gossip website Tattle Life Sebastian Bond is said to be lying low in Thailand. Now he's feared to be trying to hide his fortune - as a raft of celebrities on his site line up to sue...
Every notable king has a castle – and, for Sebastian Bond, that fortress is a four-bedroom house lying a stone's throw from Glastonbury 's historic abbey. Security cameras monitor the driveway, which is protected by a set of tall metal gates, and, when the Mail visited this week, the curtains on every single window were firmly drawn.


Times
3 hours ago
- Times
How the IRA stole £26.5 million in a single night — and got away with it
If you ever thought, as I did growing up there, that Northern Ireland's fame was limited to 30 years of bombs and bullets, or building a ship that sank on its maiden voyage — you'd better think again. Twenty-one years ago, we were also host to the biggest robbery in British or Irish history at the time — in fact, the sixth biggest robbery in the world. Pretty impressive, eh? In one sense, it was impressive. On December 20, 2004, £26.5 million in cash was stolen from the Northern Bank headquarters in Belfast's city centre — in clear view of the public as Christmas shoppers strolled round the continental market just feet away. Glenn Patterson, an admired Belfast-based novelist, has written a book showing how the robbers did it, and how they got away with it. It was not just a monetary robbery, but a symbolic one. The Northern Bank building is a landmark in Belfast's post-industrial city centre, a great, sturdy 1970s edifice in concrete. It's a building you can imagine Bill Bixby walking out of, coat over shoulder, in the credits for The Incredible Hulk. But the robbery was not the first of its kind that year. Already in 2004 there had been other 'tiger kidnappings', where robbers would take family members hostage and force bank employees to help them to carry out the heist. In response, the Northern Bank had changed its operations so that two key holders were needed simultaneously to access its cash vaults. The criminals' solution? To abduct two employees' family members at once. Kevin McMullan, the bank's assistant manager, and Chris Ward, a junior employee, both had a knock on the door the night before the robbery. Armed men took over their homes and held their families hostage while McMullan and Ward were taken away. The men were held overnight, then told to go to work the next day and act normally. At clocking-off time they were to use their access to remove cash from the vault, disguised in containers to look like rubbish, and load it into a waiting white van. And so they did: great blocks and boxes of new and used notes, kilos upon kilos of it. The cover of Patterson's book shows a CCTV image of Ward leaving the bank's side entrance with a holdall over one shoulder. The holdall contains £1.2 million. Little wonder he's leaning to one side to counter the weight. So who did it? There's no doubt: the only criminal outfit in Northern Ireland with the organisational capability to plan and execute the robbery so methodically was the IRA. (The single sign of amateurishness was that two men in the van wore Russ Abbot-style ginger 'Jimmy' wigs beneath their baseball caps. This odd sight alerted passersby and almost foiled the robbery.) Opinions are divided on why the IRA carried out the robbery. For a pension fund? Investment abroad? • The 21 best history books of the past year to read next The whole story is presented beautifully by Patterson, who adopts the right tone for each phase of the tale. The abduction scenes have the horrible tension of a thriller, and reminded me of Brian Moore's great Troubles novel Lies of Silence. Elsewhere, Patterson adopts a tone of amused incredulity at the shocking details of the robbery and its aftermath. 'You have to take your hat off to this country. It has a way of exceeding your worst, most lavish expectations.' But the robbery also presented a political problem for the British and Irish governments. In 2004, the fledgling Northern Ireland Assembly had collapsed, and there were 'talks about talks' to get it up and running again. Indeed, when MI5 detected high levels of phone activity between senior IRA men the night before the robbery, they optimistically — naively — thought it meant an announcement was imminent on the decommissioning of IRA weapons, to break the political deadlock. When it was announced who the likely culprits were, Sinn Fein — the IRA's political wing — complained of a smear on republicans. But as Patterson points out, in one of the few passages where he sounds truly angry, this was a common tactic for Sinn Fein. He reminds us about the brutal murder of Robert McCartney after an argument in a Belfast bar in January 2005, when nobody in the pub — including the future Stormont minister Deirdre Hargey of Sinn Fein — would speak to the police about what happened. Instead, Hargey claimed that reports of IRA involvement in the murder were 'part of the onslaught by the media and governments and political parties to criminalise Sinn Fein and the republican movement'. As Patterson coolly observes: 'There is chutzpah, and there is chutzpah.' • Read more book reviews and interviews — and see what's top of the Sunday Times Bestsellers List Hardly any of the money has been recovered, and only one person was prosecuted for the robbery. That person was … one of the victims, Chris Ward, who was prosecuted on circumstantial evidence that the robbery had been an inside job — the IRA men were so well prepared that someone in the bank must have helped them. The case was abandoned partway through. Patterson attended every day of the trial. The case was clearly not an outstanding example of prosecutorial craft. Phil Flynn, who was vice president of Sinn Fein, took the view that 'there was nobody killed. At the end of the day, it was only money.' But it wasn't only money. The robbery revealed a lot about what was important in Northern Ireland. Sinn Fein was welcomed back into government. And in a world where every conspiracy theorist sees two-tier justice in any outcome they don't like, the aftermath of the robbery provided a real example. The senior IRA man Bobby Storey — believed to be the brains behind the robbery, and 'a great human being' in the words of Gerry Adams — died in June 2020 and his funeral attracted more than 1,500 people, in contravention of Covid regulations. Other people could have no more than 30 at theirs. None of the Sinn Fein politicians who attended were prosecuted, while at a Black Lives Matter protest in Belfast a few weeks earlier, 70 people were fined. Patterson had once planned to write a screenplay of the robbery. I wish he had. It has everything: tension, dark comedy, human interest, big issues and more. But this book will do very nicely in its place. And if the Northern Bank heist was indeed a symbolic robbery, then here is the other symbol. Why did they do it? Because they knew they could get away with it. As Patterson points out: 'Something [else] disappeared in that white van in December 2004 that has never been recovered.' The Northern Bank Job: The Heist and How They Got Away With It by Glenn Patterson (Head of Zeus £16.99 pp272). To order a copy go to Free UK standard P&P on orders over £25. Special discount available for Times+ members