How the Philippines Silences Advocacy Groups
The September 2021 'protest' against the Leyte Center for Development. Credit - Courtesy LCDE
It was back in September 2021 when Jazmin 'Minet' Aguisanda-Jerusalem received a phone call from some farmers that her NGO was helping outside the eastern Philippine city of Tacloban. 'They said, 'the Army is telling us to come and stage a rally outside your office,'' recalls Minet, the executive director of the Leyte Center for Development (LCDE), which provides humanitarian relief to the region's poorest. 'The Army even said they will provide transportation and food.'
As beneficiaries of the LCDE, the farmers were reluctant to attend. But then Minet began receiving more phone calls from friendly journalists saying they had been 'invited' to cover the protest. Sure enough, that Sept. 21 around 20 bewildered people turned up and fastened placards to her office gates that had all clearly been written by the same hand that accused the NGO of supporting local communist rebels. 'Apparently, some people were forced to attend,' Minet tells TIME.
It wasn't the first sign of brewing trouble for the LCDE, which provides livelihood emergency aid, including rain gauges, sleeping mats, blankets, solar lamps, and other equipment to better prepare for typhoons or floods, to around 3,000 families comprising 21,000 people annually.
By highlighting lapses in public services, the LCDE had occasionally rubbed up against officialdom, and Minet had received regular intimidation and occasional death threats. The fact that the LCDE works in arcane mountainous regions of the Philippines where rebel groups also operate had periodically been used as a cudgel by security forces looking for a scapegoat. 'Maybe the state armed forces put us in the same basket as the community whom they believe are supporting the rebels,' says Minet.
But overall, their relations with the government were robust as evidenced by several high-profile awards. But what had been a periodic annoyance became crippling last May when five bank accounts of the LCDE and related persons—including Minet and her son, who is not even an employee—were suddenly frozen by the national Anti-Money Laundering Council.
Also frozen were the bank accounts of two suppliers where the LCDE sources relief donations and even a local mechanic where they had recently got their Toyota Hilux repaired at a cost of some $300. While intimidation is sadly par for the course for local NGOs in the Philippines, the freezing of the bank accounts was devastating. The authorities even rescinded the Hilux's vehicle registration so they would have no way to reach far-flung villages.
The LCDE case was bizarre in many ways but none more so that no criminal case was filed for six months after their accounts were frozen. And when charges for financing terrorism were brought against Minet the following November, the prosecutor dismissed them a month later for lack of evidence. But their accounts remained frozen, and in February three more charges of terrorism financing were levied against Minet so that she was forced to post 600,000 pesos ($10,500) bail. Mounting challenges were making it more and more difficult to keep fighting. After 37 years of helping society's most vulnerable, 'We've had to stop operations,' says Minet.
The Philippines has a long and unfortunate history of NGOs under attack. In 2023, it was the most dangerous country for climate activists, accounting for 17 of 197 murdered or 'disappeared' worldwide.
That nadir occurred under the term of autocratic ex-President Rodrigo Duterte, under whom climate activists were often 'red-tagged,' which refers to the labeling of individuals or organizations as communists, subversives, or terrorists to discredit and silence them. After Duterte came to power he formed the National Task Force to End Local Communist Armed Conflict, or NTF-ELCAC, as part of a 'whole of nation' effort to finally quash leftist rebel groups. However, the true targets were often indigenous leaders, anti-mining advocates, environmental restoration campaigners, and community organizers.
Read More: The Dutertes Aren't Going Away Without a Fight: What to Take Away From the Philippines' Election
In February 2020, Marissa Cabaljao, the spokesperson of People Surge, a network of disaster survivors also in Tacloban, was arrested and charged with terrorism offenses after a raid at her office. She has lived in hiding away from her family ever since.
Marinel Sumook Ubaldo was also red-tagged under Duterte when at 22 she organized the Philippines' first youth climate strike in 2019. Today, she works in Washington D.C. for the League of Conservation Voters environmental advocacy group and has testified on climate issues at the U.N. and U.S. Senate. 'The scary thing was they also tried to intimidate my family, telling my parents to get me to stop,' she tells TIME. 'And even our local government unit was part of those people that were intimidating me.'
Despite the new administration of President Ferdinand 'Bongbong' Marcos Jr. declaring 'red-tagging' would end, the practice of using terrorism charges has become more widespread, say human-rights groups. 'While red-tagging is not as bad as during Duterte's time, 'terror-tagging' has worsened,' says Carlos Conde, a senior researcher for Human Rights Watch based in Manila. 'That's the most worrisome part.'
The Philippine Justice Department didn't respond to repeated requests for comment from TIME for this story, although the Marcos administration has previously denied red-tagging. However, the reason behind the surge in terrorist-related prosecutions is an open secret.
In June 2021, a year before Marcos came to power, the Philippines was placed on the inter-governmental Financial Action Task Force (FATF) 'grey list' due to a lax approach to countering money laundering and the financing of terrorism, meaning the country was subject to increased monitoring and potential economic penalties. Suddenly, prosecuting these crimes was thrust to the top of the security agenda and every ambitious army and police official was incentivized to find easy targets. The presumption is that job security—as well as promotions, funding, and possibly bonuses—were linked to progress on this score. At last count, some 64 NGOs across the Philippines are facing criminal charges including financing terrorism or even murder.
'It's about money,' says Minet. 'We're just pawns in this numbers game.'
The targeting of NGOs and activists is especially damaging given the Philippines is consistently ranked as among the world's most vulnerable countries to climate change. 'Local partnerships are eroded when NGOs or grassroots groups are red-tagged,' says Gwendolyn Pang, secretary general of the Philippine Red Cross. 'The shrinking of the civic space makes climate and environmental organizations reluctant to engage in public discourse for fear of reprisal.'
But the Philippines is far from an isolated case. Minet's experiences follow a worrying pattern of civil society from Australia and India to the U.K. reporting dwindling space and more legal hurdles to their advocacy. Even the U.S. is not immune. President Donald Trump's gutting of USAID has ripped some $75 billion from the world's poorest people, including $104 million from the Philippines, while his withdrawal from the WHO stands to slash some 12% from the organization's $6.8 billion annual budget. But perhaps more damaging has been his administration's assault on critics—especially foreign students and even green card holders—that has cast a pall over climate activism in the world's top economy, not least since Trump once again withdrew from the Paris Climate Agreement.
'This is not even Duterte 2.0,' says Ubaldo of the current climate of fear engulfing environmental advocacy in D.C. 'This is 10 times what we experienced in the Philippines. I don't feel safe here.'
It's a feeling shared some 8,500 miles away by Minet, who had her latest court hearing on Thursday, when the judge indicated she would rule on a petition to dismiss at their next hearing on July 14. In bitter irony, the Philippines was removed from the FATF grey list in February, yet the 'persecution,' as Minet puts it, of environmental NGOs continues to spiral.
'President Marcos is trying to tell the diplomatic and international community that all is well in his administration,' says Minet. 'But our situation is getting worse. Our voice needs to be heard.'
Write to Charlie Campbell at charlie.campbell@time.com.
Hashtags

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles


News24
4 hours ago
- News24
Zimbabwe farmers see progress to ‘catapult us forward as a nation' after chaotic land policy years
Farmers in Zimbabwe are making progress following years of chaotic land reform policy. White and black farmers are building partnerships. Some farm owners whose land was confiscated received the first compensation payments. In a field of paprika plants in the heart of Zimbabwe, fourth-generation farmer Daniel Burger and relative newcomer Miriam Mupambawashe discuss the quality of the crop. Burger, 36, and Mupambawashe, 59, are neighbours and partners in efforts to revive the country's once-flourishing agriculture sector cut down by a ruinous land reform drive in the 2000s. The reform distributed land from the white minority, which still owned most of the best farmland 20 years after independence in 1980, to the black majority. Around 4 000 white-owned farms were confiscated, some with deadly violence. Mupambawashe was among thousands who received land. Though she initially knew little about farming, her small subsistence plot now thrives. READ | Zimbabwe to cull elephants and distribute meat to people Other farms failed or were abandoned, with some new tenants unschooled in agriculture and others - including politicians who were handed land - uninterested. There were food shortages and Zimbabwe soon required international aid. 'There was a bit of a tough period through the 2000s and, unfortunately, I think it sort of refuelled racial tensions to an extent,' Burger told AFP. But being so passionate about farming was the motivator for me to move forward. Daniel Burger Mupambawashe moved to the area from the southern city of Bulawayo, around 200km away. 'When we first came here in 2001, it was a forest and there was nothing built,' she said. 'Some of the white farmers were angry but we managed to talk to each other in good faith and move forward.' 'They never let us down and said: 'You grabbed the farm, let's see if you can do it.' But instead they brought their own tractors and equipment to come and help, which we felt was a nice gesture.' It was hard in the beginning, especially after irrigation equipment was stolen, and the early failures were 'embarrassing', Mupambawashe said. But today her plot does so well that she only needs to buy in sugar and cooking oil. Hakan Nural/Anadolu via Getty Images Burger leases land from her and lends tractors and expertise. His family's land was among the few hundreds that were not seized in the 2000s. Nonetheless, 'For a long time we became wound up in compensation,' said Burger, vice-president of the Commercial Farmers Union of Zimbabwe (CFU) that represents mostly white farmers. 'But it wasn't our purpose. Our purpose was driving agriculture and current agricultural affairs forward,' he said. This year, some farm owners whose land was confiscated received the first compensation payments after decades of waiting. The process has been complex and divisive. The government committed to compensation as part of an effort to settle arrears and reform the economy in order to be able to regain access to international credit lines cut two decades ago. It announced in 2020 the creation of a fund that would pay out $3.5 billion for infrastructure on farms but not the land, which it says was taken by force by colonial settlers. Unable to raise cash, the government in 2023 changed the offer to 1% in cash and the remainder in US dollar denominated treasury bonds. In April, the first payments were made to 378 of 780 farmers approved for this scheme. Deon Theron, who represents the Compensation Steering Committee group of former white farmers, says the introduction of the bonds has annulled the original deal and negotiations need to start over. The bonds are 'unsecured' and there is 'limited recourse in the event of non-performance by government,' he told AFP. 'The general feeling amongst the farmers is firstly frustration that after 20-odd years we still have not received anything,' Theron said. But the Property and Farm Compensation Association said its members would take what is on offer. The bonds are under international guarantee, said leader Harry Orphanides, adding that 'digging in' and seeking more from the government would be futile. Mupambawashe and Burger are encouraged by another major government announcement - the granting of land ownership rights to beneficiaries of the 2000s land reform. The tenure announced late in 2024 replaces 99-year leases and means the new owners can deal with the property as they wish, including putting it up for sale. 'It makes us feel settled,' Mupambawashe said. 'No one could come and tell us to move off the land or take it away from us.' 'It is just going to catapult us forward as a nation and an economy,' Burger said. 'We used to be the breadbasket of Africa and we lost it somewhat. But I just look at where we are now.'
Yahoo
8 hours ago
- Yahoo
Protesters march from Tel Aviv to Gaza border calling to end Israel-Hamas War
The march is expected to take place over the course of three days, ending near the Gaza border, as those marching join a protest organized by the It's Time coalition of peace organizations. Israelis set out from Tel Aviv and walked towards the Gaza border Wednesday, as part of a protest against the continuation of the Gaza war organized by Standing Together. "We are marching because the destruction, starvation, and abandonment must stop," the grassroots peace organization said. The group, made up of a few dozen people, set out from near the Kirya IDF military headquarters and marched South. The march is expected to take place over the course of three days, ending near the Gaza border, as those marching join a protest organized by the It's Time coalition of peace organizations. "We are in Jaffa, continuing towards Bat Yam, and thinking about the longer road - from death to agreement, from destruction to hope," Standing Together added. "This is not the simple path, but we are walking it together." The march is the latest in a series of recent actions by Standing Together aimed at promoting peace and pushing to end the Israel-Hamas War. Last week, Standing Together activists confronted Tzav 9 protesters blocking aid trucks into Gaza in an effort to prevent the protesters from keeping aid out of Gaza. The organization also gathered in Jerusalem's Old City on Jerusalem Day to protect residents from nationalist attacks.
Yahoo
11 hours ago
- Yahoo
Adult social care shake-up 'rethink' after protest
Plans to shake-up adult social care in Dorset are being "re-evaluated" following protests and feedback from users and their families, a council has said. Dorset Council is considering changes to adult social care services at six centres in Blandford, Swanage, Wareham, Ferndown, Shaftesbury and Sherborne. About 100 people staged a protest opposite one of the centres - Blandford Community Centre - in May, against the proposed reorganisation of where and how services are delivered amid fears some of the centres could close. Dorset Council said it wanted to move to a "hubs and spokes" model but insisted "no decisions have been made". A consultation runs until Monday. North Dorset Conservative MP Simon Hoare said the centre in Blandford should be left out of any reorganisation. "It's easy for people to get to, it serves not just the town but the villages around it," he explained. "We have the hub and spoke model, it's working. My view is - if it ain't broke, don't fix it." Pauline Saville, from Blandford, has a grown up son with learning disabilities who has received day care in Blandford for about 20 years. She said it was "vital" the service was protected and not moved to Sturminster Newton, as proposed. "It's very important to my son. It's where his friends are... If he didn't have it he'd be at home vegetating, and it's vital for me because it's my respite." Councillor Steve Robinson, cabinet member for adult social care at Dorset Council, said it was now "re-evaluating" its initial proposals. "The opportunity that people have got at the moment to contribute [to the consultation] online, the demonstration that we've had, or the letters that we've received, all go in and inform the decision making process," he explained. "This is not about what happens with our buildings, this is about how we provide services for people in our community." He added all consultation responses would be considered throughout June and July ahead of a decision in the autumn. 'Save vital day centre for wife who has dementia' Dorset Council