Rwanda accepts up to 250 deportees from the US under Trump's third-country plan
Hashtags
Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles
Al Arabiya
10 hours ago
- Al Arabiya
Niger announces nationalization of its only gold mine
Niger's military government has announced the nationalization of the country's sole industrial gold mine, accusing its Australian operator of 'serious breaches' as the junta seeks greater control of natural resources. The military junta has ruled the West African nation since seizing power in a 2023 coup, promising to crack down on Niger's myriad security issues. Juntas in Niger, neighboring Burkina Faso and Mali have ramped up pressure on foreign mining companies in recent years, with Niger nationalizing the local branch of French uranium giant Orano in June. Australian group McKinel Resources Limited took control of the Societe des mines du Liptako (SML) gold mine, situated on the bank of the River Niger, in 2019 after purchasing a majority stake from a public firm. 'In view of serious breaches (and) with a view to saving this highly strategic company, the state of Niger has taken the decision to nationalize SML,' said an order from junta leader, General Abdourahamane Tiani, read on state television on Friday. 'This measure is in line with the vision of the president of the republic, which is to promote the full appropriation of its natural resources by the Nigerien people,' it said. In 2023, industrial gold production at the mine amounted to 177 kilograms, while artisanal production in the country totaled 2.2 tons, according to a report by the Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative. Niger's junta said since McKinel's takeover of SML, the mine has fallen into an 'alarming economic situation.' It criticized the Australian firm for failing to implement a $10 million investment plan which the junta said has led to tax and wage arrears, worker layoffs and 'significant increased debt,' as well as production stoppages. In May, a bomb blast in extremist-riven west Niger killed at least eight workers at the SML mine in the Tillaberi region. The army has deployed more than 2,000 soldiers to fight the extremist groups in the surrounding region, at the epicenter of the violence wracking the country.
Asharq Al-Awsat
14 hours ago
- Asharq Al-Awsat
EU Report Finds Little Aid Is Getting into Gaza
The European Union has concluded that little aid is flowing into Gaza despite an understanding reached between Brussels and Israel last month, according to a report by the 27-nation bloc's foreign service. Although roughly 5,000 trucks entered Gaza during the 'limited lifting of the blockade by Israel,' there are still 'significant operational and bureaucratic constraints' on aid delivery, according to a copy of the report obtained by The Associated Press on Friday. Since May 19, an average of 36 trucks a day has entered Gaza, laden with food, nutrition supplements, medical supplies and chlorine, but 90% was looted once in Gaza, the report says. The EU had reached an agreement with Israel's Foreign Minister Gideon Saar to increase humanitarian aid into Gaza, but officials have not been able to confirm any improvements for themselves. Israel has blocked an EU monitoring team from entering Gaza because they were not humanitarian aid providers, said Anna-Kaisa Itkonen, a European Commission spokesperson, at a press conference in Brussels on Thursday.
Arab News
20 hours ago
- Arab News
Can Turkish-European collaboration thrive in Africa?
In 2009, Ahmet Davutoglu, top adviser to Recep Tayyip Erdogan, Turkiye's prime minister at the time and now president, said that 'the road to Paris passes through Africa,' emphasizing that Ankara's decision to deepen ties with Africa would strengthen, rather than undermine, its European ambitions. Since then, Turkiye has significantly expanded its presence in Africa with a combination of soft and hard power, incorporating defense, economic, cultural, and political engagement. There were concerns that Turkiye might leverage its growing influence to counter the policies of EU member states. However, given Turkiye's improved relations with Brussels in recent years, especially since the Ukraine war, its policies in Africa may be viewed differently, perhaps in a more collaborative way. However, to achieve this, it is important to understand the characteristics of Turkiye's involvement in Africa, and explore how the EU could potentially leverage these to its advantage. Turkiye's outreach to Africa is three dimensional. First, it is politically driven, supporting its status as a middle power on the global stage. As Davutoglu said in 2009: 'Africa is on the verge of a new era, and Turkiye must embrace the new realities on the ground. A country that undermines Africa cannot have an international standing.' Second, Turkiye's involvement is economically motivated. There is increasing demand from African states to partner with Turkiye, a shift that the EU should be keen to recognize and leverage. Third, Turkiye's growing influence in Africa is supported through soft-power elements, such as mediation, that some EU member states lack — and, again, could leverage. Finally, it is security oriented, with Turkiye's expanding defense ties with the African states. At a time when Turkiye and EU states are aiming to strengthen their position in Africa, it is important to explore potential areas where Brussels can collaborate with Turkiye or benefit from its growing role in Africa. The first area is security. Turkiye has established significant defense cooperation with African states, including drone sales and military training. Today, it is seen by African countries as a preferable security provider. EU member states also seek stability on the continent for their interests. A stable continent will not only benefit the people of Africa, but also have implications from the Middle East to Europe. Turkiye's growing security presence is a strength the EU can look to leverage in order to achieve shared goals. Second, Turkiye's engagement through development projects should not necessarily be seen as a challenge to European interests. Turkish companies are actively involved in high-risk regions of Africa, with visible infrastructure projects that could align with European interests. Humanitarian aid is another area for potential collaboration. For example, two Turkish scientists are leading efforts to combat hunger in Africa as part of a food project funded by the EU. More projects in this domain could be supported by Brussels, with Turkiye taking an active role on the ground. At a time when Turkiye and EU states are aiming to strengthen their position in Africa, it is important to explore potential areas where Brussels can collaborate with Turkiye or benefit from its growing role in Africa. Dr. Sinem Cengiz Third, Turkiye is trying to build trust across the African continent through its mediation efforts between conflicting parties. Some EU countries' historical influence and colonial legacy in Africa complicates their potential mediating role, so Turkiye could indirectly serve the EU interests in this aspect. Fourth, China has emerged as a serious actor in Africa. Turkiye, as an EU candidate country, could be viewed by Brussels as a less threatening force than China. Africa was a competitive region for both Turkiye and the Gulf states. However, as Turkiye has reconciled its relations with the Gulf countries, the nature of this competition has changed, with both sides compartmentalizing their engagements. Some EU states and Turkiye could take a similar approach, managing their respective relationships with Africa in a way that becomes mutually beneficial. In June, Faruk Kaymakcı, Turkiye's permanent delegate to the EU, highlighted the growing momentum in Turkiye-Africa relations at the Brussels-Africa Hub, saying on X: 'The EU and EU candidate Turkiye can achieve a lot together in and for Africa, leveraging their comparative advantages.' However, EU states diverge in their perceptions on various issues, and the question of Turkiye's role in Africa is no exception. France, which views Africa as a 'backyard,' and a region of critical defense, economic, and development interest, is unlikely to welcome the growing Turkish presence. When Niger decided to expel French and US military personnel and revoke mining contracts held by French and Canadian companies, Turkiye stepped in. Ankara secured a series of agreements in infrastructure, defense, and mining with Niger, and supplied Bayraktar TB2 drones to the country. For African countries, Turkiye is a good alternative to EU states when it comes to arms sales and defense cooperation. This approach also shows greater flexibility on the part of African countries seeking to diversify their defense capabilities. On the other hand, some EU states, such as Italy, are keen to find common ground with Turkiye in Africa, especially as France's traditional influence on the continent begins to wane. Germany, too, is adjusting its Africa strategy in response to shifting dynamics. For Germany and Italy, and even other countries such as Spain, key areas of cooperation with Turkiye could be migration, energy, and the economic development of African nations. EU countries are already cooperating with Turkiye in areas such as trade, migration, and counter-terrorism, and could expand this in Africa. The response to my question in the headline is, yes. Turkish and European collaboration can thrive in Africa if both manage to compartmentalize their relations in a way that leverages their comparative advantages, strengths, and weaknesses. • Dr. Sinem Cengiz is a Turkish political analyst who specializes in Turkiye's relations with the Middle East. X: @SinemCngz
