Former rights council member: Moushira Khattab's resignation is ‘belated attempt' to sidestep poor performance
Moushira Khattab has stepped down as president of the National Council for Human Rights (NCHR) as she intends to pursue a role at an international institution, the council announced on Sunday.
Former council member Nasser Amin, however, described the move to Mada Masr as a belated attempt by Khattab to 'wash her hands' of what he said was the council's worst performance in two decades.
The council was reconstituted by presidential decree in 2021, as the government worked to stage a shift in how it handles rights and political representation, launching a national human rights strategy, reopening the council, which is tasked with nominating prisoners to the president for amnesty among other roles, and beginning the National Dialogue as a forum for political dialogue.
In a phone call with Mada Masr, Khattab declined to comment on the statement or name the international institution she intends to join.
A source close to the former council head, however, denied to Mada Masr that her resignation had nothing to do with Khattab's future career plans. Since Khattab has already had a long career, an international appointment is unlikely, the source continued.
They described her resignation instead as a long overdue development, adding that through her four-year tenure on the council Khattab has repeatedly voiced frustration over her inability to effect meaningful change in any of its human rights working files.
The source cited Khattab's repeated but unsuccessful attempts to amend the law that governs the council in order to elevate its international ranking, as well as several requests she made to visit prisons which were ultimately rejected. Prison visits are permitted rarely, and often only to limited areas of specific facilities under authorities' supervision.
The source put the lack of achievements down to the council's political position, describing it as lacking any real leverage. Its recommendations are often ignored, they added.
Khattab was also increasingly troubled by the frequent criticism directed at her from various circles, the source said.
Amin, who also heads the Arab Center for the Independence of Judiciary and Legal Professions, warned that the council is very likely to face a downgrade in its international ranking by the end of the year, citing its lack of independence and retreat from its monitoring and advocacy role. 'The talk of her seeking an international post is more wishful thinking than reality,' he said.
On November 20 last year, the Sub-Committee on Accreditation (SCA) at the Global Alliance of National Human Rights Institutions (GANHRI) recommended the council be downgraded to B status, raising serious concerns about its compliance with the Paris Principles — particularly in terms of its independence, effectiveness and transparency.
The SCA flagged the lack of transparency and public participation in the appointment of council members — who are selected by the executive arm of the government — as a factor undermining the body's autonomy and ability to operate free from government interference. It also criticized the council's inadequate response to major human rights concerns, including torture, enforced disappearances, conditions of arbitrary detention, as well as with regard to freedom of expression, peaceful assembly and association.
The committee also called for sweeping reforms to bring the council in line with the Paris Principles, including measures to reinforce its independence, amend its appointment mechanism, improve its response to human rights violations and ensure regular distribution of public reports for civil society and other actors to access.
Khattab has previously pushed back against claims that the council lacks independence. In a televised interview in September 2024, she said the council had submitted a request for a presidential pardon for writer and activist Alaa Abd El Fattah, but claimed that the council had been drawn into the issue of its pending downgrade by a complaint questioning the council's independence filed by the writer's father-in-law, prominent human rights advocate Bahey Eddin Hassan.
Domestic and international calls are currently mounting for President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi to pardon the detained activist and writer — whose mother is now hospitalized in critical condition 246 days into a hunger strike.
Khattab had confined her efforts as council head to 'safe zones,' Amin said. She focused on awareness-raising and human rights education while steering clear of applying legal and human rights standards to document violations. Instead, he added, she echoed the narrative advanced by the state and its security agencies.
The constitution grants the NCHR the power to represent victims in court — a power exercised by previous iterations of the council, including in the case of activist Shaimaa al-Sabbagh's killing. The current council, however, has ignored this mandate, which Amin said was a hard-earned achievement of earlier efforts.
Vice President Mahmoud Karem assumed Khattab's responsibilities as of Saturday, the council's statement said, and he will continue in the role until its term ends on December 27.
Sisi reconstituted the council under Khattab's leadership in December 2021 for a four-year term. Under recent amendments to the law governing the NCHR, the House of Representatives is permitted to begin forming a new council two months ahead of the current term's expiration. Nominations are to be submitted by universities, syndicates and other institutions, after which the president and members are selected and approved via presidential decree.
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In its third review report, published in August, the fund said the law aims to 'embed key elements of the state-ownership policy into law.' The fourth review report has yet to be published, at the request of the Egyptian government for it to be withheld. The advisory committee source argued that the law's passage was merely 'a formal gesture to show that certain steps — with no value to the project's core — are being taken.' They also pointed to overlap between the proposed unit's role and existing bodies that already, in a way, manage state-owned assets: the Sovereign Fund of Egypt, the Public Enterprise Ministry, and the National Investment Bank. By contrast, Nation's Future Party MP Mahmoud al-Saeedy, a member of the House Economic Committee who took part in the discussions, told Mada Masr he sees no conflict between the new unit and the sovereign fund. 'As part of its multiple roles,' he said, 'the unit may recommend transferring a specific asset to the sovereign fund after reviewing its data.' A second member of the Cabinet's macroeconomic advisory committee raised concerns about the 'ambiguity surrounding the new unit's role and its actual purpose.' They noted that a committee with nearly identical responsibilities — the higher committee on implementing the State Ownership Policy — was already created by administrative decree in December 2022 and also reports directly to the Cabinet. Amr Adly, an assistant professor of political economy at the American University in Cairo, told Mada Masr that such overlap and conflict between the roles of the sovereign fund and the new unit is not unusual. Egypt's bureaucratic system, he noted, has long been characterized by parallel bodies with overlapping mandates. 'Take, for example, the National Center for Planning State Land Use,' he said, 'whose responsibilities both resemble and clash with those of the Industrial Development Authority, the Tourism Development Authority and the New Urban Communities Authority.' Beyond questions of overlapping mandates, the draft law also includes a broad exemption from its own provisions. According to the text, the law does not apply to companies engaged in activities deemed to be of 'national or strategic importance, as defined by a Cabinet decision issued based on a joint proposal from the relevant minister and the competent authority within the owning state entity.' But the draft provides no definition or clear criteria for what qualifies as a national or strategic activity. This vague exemption strips the law of its substance, according to both advisory committee members. The first of the sources said that it further demonstrates that 'the government has no real intention of implementing the law, and only aims to show the IMF that it is fulfilling the required tasks.' Adly echoed the same skepticism, suggesting that the broad exemptions indicate the law is not grounded in any genuine governmental belief in the need to exit the economic sphere or scale back its role in line with the IMF's repeated calls. Instead, he argued, the government is primarily seeking short-term financial returns from select assets to compensate for its inability to grow tax revenues — while maintaining control over assets it is unwilling to relinquish. In contrast, the law's explanatory memorandum defends the exemption, claiming that decisions related to such companies may involve matters of national security or require approval at higher levels of decision-making. The exemptions outlined in the draft law also include 'companies established under international agreements, companies named in special legislation that governs their purpose or ownership structure, and contributions by state-owned insurance firms to the capital of other companies.' Under the law, the new asset inventory and tracking unit is to be led by a full-time executive director with proven expertise in investment, corporate management, and economic project administration. The unit will be supported by a team of experts and specialists in these fields, alongside personnel with financial, technical, and legal qualifications. Staff may be hired on a contractual basis or seconded from existing administrative bodies. The unit's organizational structure will be determined by a decision from the prime minister, based on a proposal by the executive director and after consultation with the Central Agency for Organization and Administration — 'without being bound by the current government rules and regulations.' Saeedy interpreted this provision as intended to bypass several standard government constraints that may not be compatible with attracting top talent to the unit — 'particularly the public sector's maximum wage cap,' he noted. The government's decision to revive this law came as Egypt undergoes its fifth review under the IMF loan agreement, which shows how closely the State Ownership Policy is tied to the terms of the country's arrangement with the fund. The State Ownership Policy document was issued following the government's November 2021 announcement of the findings of a study — prepared, it said, by the Cabinet Information and Decision Support Center — the full text of which was never published. The study was intended to lay out steps to reinforce the state's shift toward supporting the private sector. According to the government at the time, the document emphasized the need to 'identify key sectors in which the state will remain, those it will exit, and others it will gradually withdraw from.' It also recommended 'reforming the public sector by retaining major companies in strategic, high-priority sectors' while divesting from those deemed less critical. The study's conclusions closely mirrored the IMF's second review report, released four months earlier. That report explicitly called for 'a clear state ownership policy,' stating that 'reform of state-owned enterprises should start with developing an ownership policy to enhance accountability and transparency, define the sectors where public intervention is governed by a public service mandate, and implement performance boosting measures. This would enable the state to withdraw from other sectors and allow for private sector-led productivity gains.'
