Italy and Germany threaten to withdraw from Eurovision Song Contest if Israel is banned
Italy and Germany are reportedly backing Israel's public broadcaster Kan, which maintains editorial independence from the Israeli government.
Speaking to Israel's N12News, Alon said: 'As long as the war in Gaza continues and images of the conflict reach European audiences, it will be difficult for countries like Italy and Germany to publicly defend Israel. These two countries are among the contest's top financial contributors, are in direct communication with the EBU and support Kan. If Kan is excluded, they have threatened to leave the contest as well — something the EBU wants to avoid.'
On Thursday, the European Broadcasting Union held a meeting at the BBC headquarters in London to discuss the possible expulsion of Israel from Eurovision. There wasn't any voting, and discussions were postponed until the next meeting in winter.
According to Ynet, the push to ban Israel has been led by Iceland and Slovenia. Meanwhile, Austria, Germany and Switzerland were the only countries to publicly express support for Israel. In a move that surprised many, the BBC reportedly requested that a vote be avoided and encouraged continued dialogue — a gesture seen as a concession to Israel.
Ayala Mizrahi, a lawyer representing Israel on behalf of Kan, told the assembly that Israel values its long-standing participation in the song contest and emphasised the country's more than 50-year Eurovision history.
Some past and present Eurovision participants have called for an investigation into whether Israel breached contest rules by promoting Yuval Raphael's entry with government-funded ads during the most recent competition. However, the EBU has said that this did not violate its regulations.
The EBU has consistently maintained that it will not ban Israel, stating that Eurovision is a competition between public broadcasters, not governments, and that Kan has not broken any rules.
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The National
3 hours ago
- The National
Startling new details reveal how Gazans are lured to their deaths in aid queues
The National can reveal new details of the systematic killing of Palestinians while attempting to collect aid in Gaza, based on new evidence provided by survivors. Striking testimony from Gazans who have escaped the crossfire of the Israeli military during distribution at the Gaza Humanitarian Foundation 's aid sites purports to unveil a strategy that legitimises force being used by the military, luring desperate civilians into waves of live fire that can be justified by occupying forces. Survivors told The National that the pattern is that after waiting all night, crowds are shot at early in the morning before the arrival of tanks, which causes panic among aid-seekers. Fleeing the tanks, they are then shot at by Israeli soldiers for moving in "unauthorised directions". More than 1,300 Palestinians have been killed while waiting to receive aid, at least 850 of them by Israel's army, since the inception of the US-Israeli backed GHF in May, the UN said last week. The question is: why? The National spoke to witnesses, experts, victims and others to uncover the circumstances under which starving Gazans are dying by bullets. The investigation revealed humiliating tactics used by the Israeli army to control crowds waiting for aid, often under inhumane conditions at sites that can only be described as death traps. It showed how soldiers have effectively been given licence to shoot and eliminate anyone they suspect might pose a threat, frequently killing men and women who are simply trying to feed their families. But first: what is the GHF? The Gaza Humanitarian Foundation for the distribution of aid was announced in February as an alternative to the UN in Gaza, as Israeli authorities did not trust the internationally recognised institution, even though it has been operating in the enclave successfully for decades. Israel's pretext for creating the GHF was based on its accusations against Hamas of stealing aid, although Israeli military officials, the US Agency for International Development (USAID) and the UN have said that is simply not the case. There are only four GHF distribution sites in Gaza, where nine out of 10 people have been displaced numerous times during the war. Three of these sites are in Rafah, in the south, where Israel had said it would create camps to "concentrate Palestinians" and prevent them from leaving. The Rafah sites are metres from each other, in militarised zones once declared unsafe by Israel's standards, as the army had been operating there. The fourth site, Wadi Gaza, is in a buffer zone along the recently created Netzarim corridor. The UN's refusal to work with the GHF is based on the organisation's lack of adherence to humanitarian principles. Trekking for food By design, the GHF is set up in a way that encourages displacement, because it forces people to trek through lawless, dangerous and difficult terrain with no guarantee they will be receiving aid, a crime under international humanitarian law – by forcing people to move closer to the few aid sites. In contrast, the UN operates hundreds of distribution sites across Gaza and delivers aid to those in need, whether in schools that have become shelters, hospitals, tents or homes. On average, the distribution sites give out anywhere between 3,000 and 9,000 boxes a day – according to posts on their Facebook page – barely enough for a population of 2.2 million, all of them in need. What began on May 27 with fenced queues, intense screenings and segregated entry and exit lanes, seems to have devolved into near total disorder in which crowds surge from every direction. There have been reports of live fire and tank fire at crowds almost every day since the sites have been up and running. Recent high-resolution satellite images confirm that the compounds were built with two main corridors to separate arrivals and departures. Other social media footage shows watchtowers overlooking each site, while makeshift utility poles carry floodlights around sand berms designed to contain crowds. Ultimately, Israel, which controls every land entry and exit point in Gaza, as well as its sea and sky, is responsible for the security of the sites in co-ordination with the GHF. Some GHF staff are armed private contractors – that is, people with a military background. People, such as retired Lt Col Anthony Aguilar, have been whistleblowers on the GHF's activities. Since the beginning of its operation, the system has been rigged and key components of its work were left unclear, he said. "There were no clear indicators, no established rules of engagement or standard operating procedures for engaging with civilians," he said on Tuesday. Mr Aguilar also highlighted the fact that some of the sites are in areas that had once been declared military zones by Israel; areas that Israel had told civilians to flee "for their own safety". "This is a violation of international law," Mr Aguilar claimed. Unpacking the process To better understand the circumstances, it is essential to explain the process and what unfolds each day at aid distribution sites across the famine-stricken Palestinian territory. According to witnesses and people with knowledge of the process, hungry civilians gather overnight in areas near distribution sites. The key is for people to arrive before the chaos starts, and for those who are even slightly late, death might be closer than assistance. In the case of the Wadi Gaza distribution site, which is in an "evacuation zone" – an area the Israelis have told Palestinians is too dangerous to live in – people spend the night under the Wadi Gaza bridge. Others, like 35-year-old Abu Al Majd, choose to depart just after fajr (dawn) prayers. From his tent in Nuseirat, it's a 3km walk, which almost guarantees him a spot closer to the aid site, even though there is no specific time for when the distribution, which lasts for around 10 minutes at a time, begins and ends. Then, throngs of people begin arriving, pushing those in front of them as they clamour for aid. That is when the gunshots begin, under the guise of "crowd control"; and when it does, it's impossible to know where and who the bullets are coming from. "They begin their warm-up by firing at the crowds at 6am before the tanks arrive around an hour later," Mr Al Majd told The National. Once that happens and panic sets in, people begin running in all directions, trying to avoid the fire. The Israeli army fires again because people start moving in "unauthorised directions". This happens again. And again. Once more, when people arrive to find that all the boxes have been taken, they sit and sift through the sand for grains of rice and pasta that their predecessors left. And another time, when there is nothing left, and the armed men tell people who had walked for 12km or so, starving and thirsty, to come back tomorrow. "They say 'we're staying here till you get us something' – and that's when the Israeli army starts firing again. The fourth massacre of the day," said an expert on aid distribution with knowledge of the process. Everyone a target The body of evidence backing deaths and injuries at or near the aid distribution points is solid. Testimonies, video footage and official statements all back up the claim that not enough is being done to prevent the sites from turning into crime scenes. Speaking to The National, a father Palestinian who had been attempting to go to a GHF site, described what he saw. "They killed a little boy, 10 metres from where I was," he told The National. "His mother and father looked on. With one bullet, both he and his uncle were shot dead. I will never forget that scene." Among the hundreds of victims was Ehab, a father of three, who left for one of the aid sites in Rafah early on June 10 and never returned. His family's calls to him went unanswered and they learnt of his fate later that day when his cousin Omar spotted Ehab in photos of unidentified victims of a shooting at aid sites who had been brought to Al Nasser Hospital in Khan Younis. "He was shot in the head," Omar told The National. The bullets are not only aimed at aid seekers but also at those who help the wounded. In a testimony to Doctors Without Borders (MSF), Mohammad Daghmeh, 24, said he was shot at 3.10am and was left bleeding until 5am. "There were many other men with me. One of them tried to get me out. He was shot in the head and died on my chest," he said. Others, such as Mahmoud Assaf, a researcher in his 40s, were terrified of what they saw on the one occasion they went to an aid site. He had left at 10am and came back at 7pm empty-handed. People, he said, were fighting like dogs over meat. When shots are fired, everybody ducks or tries to take cover. Chaos ensues. In a vicious cycle, Mr Assaf's health is exacerbated by hunger – the very hunger that is driving him to try to fetch food for his children. "They offered to go in my stead, but I couldn't bear the thought of something happening to them." The shooting, he said, seems to be at random. If they escape the bullets, pepper spray and stun grenades, aid seekers still run the risk of being trampled. The dangers are too numerous, he said. Mr Assaf, luckier than others, said he instead opted to buy aid being sold on the black market, albeit at exorbitant prices, with the cost of 1kg of flour ranging anywhere between $300 and $800, depending on the prospects of a ceasefire and the amount of aid entering the Strip. Israeli testimonies Shots fired at civilians rushing for boxes of aid containing their only source of food are being labelled as "crowd control" measures. But evidence of the carnage taking place at and around the distribution sites is widely documented in videos, testimonies and statements by members of the GHF who blew the whistle anonymously or openly. Speaking to Israeli newspaper Haaretz, several Israeli soldiers who worked at GHF distribution sites acknowledged the use of firepower, through heavy machine guns, grenade launchers and mortars, either as warning shots or to disperse crowds. "Our form of communication is gunfire," one said. "We open fire early in the morning if someone tries to get in line from a few hundred metres away and sometimes we just charge at them from close range. But there's no danger to the forces." Mr Aguilar claimed that using machineguns and military quadcopters to disperse hungry and desperate people in famine-stricken Gaza results in widespread panic and an increase in the lack of safety for them and others. He recounted numerous missteps, from bringing armed contractors like him on a tourist visa to witnessing war crimes in the form of live ammunition being used against unarmed civilians. The GHF has repeatedly rejected Mr Aguilar's claims, calling them "categorically false" and made by a "disgruntled former contractor who was terminated for misconduct". Claims of shootings are not limited to witnesses, former GHF officials and soldiers, however. The International Committee of the Red Cross, which operates a field hospital in Rafah, has been running "beyond maximum capacity almost daily" since the GHF began operations, treating more patients in that time than it did in the entire preceding year, it said. "Its staff are racing to treat an unrelenting tide of injuries, the vast majority caused by gunfire," it said. These include toddlers, teenagers, the elderly, mothers, and men and boys, who are known to frequent GHF sites. Last week, the UN released a video showing shots being fired towards people waiting for food in humiliating conditions, many of them children, as an aid convoy approaches. The shots are fired into the ground in front of a crowd of people, who begin rushing towards the UN vehicles as they draw near. Olga Cherevko, spokeswoman for the UN Office for Co-ordination of Humanitarian Affairs, said the UN team faced 'several constraints' when they went to pick up food supplies from the border crossing. 'One of the constraints that we faced was waiting about two and a half hours at an Israeli forces checkpoint, which by the time we were allowed to pass, we were met on the road by tens of thousands of hungry and desperate people who directly offloaded everything from the backs of our lorries.' Israel had not given the UN enough time to secure the aid on the lorries, Ms Cherevko said, making it easier for the packages to fall off. Blame game After months of denials and deflecting responsibility for its role in the reported deaths, Israel acknowledged some of the reality on the ground. "Following incidents in which harm to civilians who arrived at distribution facilities was reported, thorough examinations were conducted in the Southern Command and instructions were issued to forces in the field following lessons learnt," the Israeli army told The National, without clarifying what the new instructions were. A "review" of the "incidents" was being conducted, it said. Since Israel stopped all aid from entering Gaza in March, dozens of people, including 24 children under five, have died of malnutrition, the World Health Organisation (WHO) said. The army also clarified it is not running the GHF centres, although it "allows the American civil organisation [GHF] to distribute aid". Security of those zones is handled by the organisation," Israel's military added. But the GHF has taken a different position. Referring to a video with which the Associated Press confronted it during an investigation into its conduct, the organisation said the shots heard were not coming from them, but from Israeli forces. Israel has created an atmosphere in Gaza that has pushed people to starvation, caused prices to rise sharply to hundreds of dollars for basic necessities like flour and sugar, all the while making roads dangerous, medical assistance a rare privilege and safety almost non-existent. With almost the entire population of Gaza displaced, more than 40,000 people are crammed into a 1 square km space. To wonder why the Israeli army, or the armed guards working under its watch, are firing at hungry Gazans is to ask why the GHF has been created.
The National
5 hours ago
- The National
US House Speaker 'calls West Bank rightful property of Jewish people' during visit
, the Speaker of the House of Representatives, visited the Israeli settlement of Ariel in the West Bank on Monday, according to reports. A photo posted on X by Israel Hayom showed settlement mayor Yair Chetboun with Mr Johnson and the Speaker's wife after apparently having planted a tree. Mr Johnson is the highest-ranking US official to visit an Israeli settlement. Marc Zell, chairman of Republicans Overseas Israel, said in a post on X that Mr Johnson had called the West Bank - which he referred to by its biblical name of "Judea and Samaria" - 'the rightful property of the Jewish people'. The Speaker was originally scheduled to visit Israel at the end of June, but that was derailed by the air war between Israel and Iran. The private visit was organised by a pro-Israel advocacy group, Axios reported, quoting Israeli officials. He was accompanied on his visit to Israel by a group of Republican members of Congress. The group held a meeting with Defence Minister Israel Katz, who thanked them for their 'unwavering support and moral clarity in standing with Israel against its enemies'. Mr Johnson's office did not immediately respond to The National' s request for comment. The Palestinian Foreign Ministry condemned the visit, calling it 'a blatant violation of international law, international legitimacy resolutions, and the Arab and US efforts to stop the war, halt the cycle of violence, and achieve calm'. The ministry said the visit was a 'clear contradiction with the declared US position regarding settlements and settlers' attacks'. It added that it views the visit as 'an encouragement of settlement crimes, settlers' actions, and the confiscation of Palestinian lands. Mr Johnson, a Republican and supporter of US President Donald Trump, has frequently voiced strong support for Israel. While American politicians have visited Israeli settlements in the past, this is the first time a Speaker of the House – third in line of the presidential succession – has done so. Former secretary of state Mike Pompeo visited a winery in the West Bank in 2020. Israeli settlements in Palestinian territories are considered to be illegal under international law. Under former president Joe Biden, the US described settlements as 'illegitimate' and imposed sanctions on several Israeli settlers, freezing their US assets and barring Americans from dealing with them following growing reports of violence by settlers against Palestinians – including American citizens. Mr Trump reversed those sanctions soon after taking office.
Middle East Eye
5 hours ago
- Middle East Eye
Exclusive: UK pushed Arab states to condemn Hamas in UN conference statement
Britain strongly pushed for a United Nations conference statement to demand the disarmament of Hamas and its withdrawal from Gaza, Middle East Eye has learnt. A UN conference in New York last week, attended by more than 100 countries and co-chaired by France and Saudi Arabia, aimed to advance momentum for a two-state solution. The New York Declaration, released afterwards, demands that Hamas end its rule over Gaza and hand its weapons to the Palestinian Authority. Numerous diplomatic sources told MEE the UK was pivotal in pushing for these demands to be included in the statement, as well as the inclusion of strong language condemning the Hamas attack on Israel on 7 October 2023. The statement marked the first time that Arab League states have end0rsed such positions at the UN. New MEE newsletter: Jerusalem Dispatch Sign up to get the latest insights and analysis on Israel-Palestine, alongside Turkey Unpacked and other MEE newsletters It was described as "both historic and unprecedented" by French Foreign Minister Jean-Noel Barrot. He hailed that for "the first time" Arab and Middle Eastern countries "condemn Hamas, condemn 7 October, call for its disarmament, call for its exclusion from any form of participation in the governance of Palestine, and clearly express their intention to maintain normalised relations with Israel in the future and to join Israel and the future state of Palestine in a regional organisation". MEE has contacted the British Foreign Office for comment. UK and France to recognise Palestinian statehood During the conference, British Foreign Secretary David Lammy announced that the UK intends to recognise Palestinian statehood in September, following France's commitment that it would do so days earlier. Barring a dramatic diplomatic reversal, France and Britain will become the first G7 countries to recognise Palestine. But these moves, and the UN conference, are unlikely to create any significant momentum towards a two-state solution. Will the UK recognising the State of Palestine make any difference? Read More » Neither the US nor Israel attended the conference, which the US State Department described as a "publicity stunt" that would "prolong the war, embolden Hamas, and reward its obstruction and undermine real-world efforts to achieve peace". France's announcement on 24 July that it would recognise the state of Palestine in September provoked the ire of Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, who "strongly condemned" what he called a decision that "rewards terrorism". On 23 July, the Israeli parliament passed a non-binding motion calling on the Israeli government to annex the occupied West Bank. And on 4 August, unnamed sources close to Netanyahu briefed local media that he is now pushing for the full occupation of the besieged Gaza Strip. Channel 12 quoted "senior figures in the Prime Minister's Office" as saying: "The decision has been made, Israel is heading towards the occupation of the Gaza Strip." This would involve expanding ground operations into areas where captives are believed to be held, and into locations where Israeli troops have not operated for over a year, including western Gaza City and the central refugee camps. In these circumstances, a viable Palestinian state is highly unlikely to materialise.
