
Speaker urges Government to apologise for not taking Ministerial Code seriously
For the second time this month, Sir Lindsay Hoyle berated ministers in the chamber for making policy announcements to the media, instead of to Parliament.
In a heated statement, Sir Lindsay criticised ministers for having to be dragged to the Commons, and said MPs should not be taken for granted.
It comes after Justice Secretary Shabana Mahmood conducted a press conference on changes to prison recall measures, just an hour after MPs raised concerns in the Commons about the Government's repeated media briefings.
Trade minister Douglas Alexander also received a telling-off from the Speaker last week, after he suggested a statement on the UK-US trade deal should be delayed, despite one being scheduled.
Speaking in the Commons on Thursday, Sir Lindsay said MPs should be able to question ministers 'in person' on the 'most important announcements' of Government policy.
He said: 'Once again I've had to grant an urgent question on a matter which was briefed extensively to the media in recent days, I recognise the written ministerial statement was issued but I'm surprised that the Government did not think that members will want an opportunity to question ministers on a very important issue.
'On Monday, the Home Secretary was unapologetic about the fact that details of the immigration White Paper were given to the media, which started Sunday morning, before it was laid before this House, and long before she came to make her statement.
'I note that those who now occupy senior ministerial roles were not slow to complain when the previous government made major policy announcements outside this place.
'I will continue to uphold and defend the rights of this House, the right of backbenchers to be here and hear it first.'
He added: 'That was my position on the previous government and it has not changed under this Government. It is clear to me that the general principle set out in paragraph 9.1 of the Ministerial Code is being disregarded more often than it is observed.
'I will be writing to the chair of the Public Administration and Constitutional Affairs Committee to invite that committee to consider the issues in more detail.
'Because if the Government is not going to take the ministerial policies seriously, who will?
'I've got to say, I don't like doing this. I believe I am here to represent all backbenchers, and backbenchers have the right to question ministers first. I'm not interested in Sky News or the BBC or political programmes. I'm here to defend all of you, I will continue to defend you.
'Please, do not take MPs for granted, it is not acceptable. I know it's not the minister's fault, but the message has got to go back loud and clear.
'And when you're in the wrong, try apologising to the members we represent.'
Justice minister Sir Nicholas Dakin was in the chamber to respond to an urgent question on the changes to prison recall measures, which had been tabled by shadow justice secretary Robert Jenrick.
Sir Nicholas said: 'I hear very clearly your words, and I very much respect the role of Parliament and I'm pleased to be here today to follow up the written ministerial statement that was laid yesterday by the Lord Chancellor.'
Intervening, Sir Lindsay said: 'You wouldn't be here if I hadn't have granted the urgent question. That's the thing we should remember, you wouldn't be here at all.
'It's only because I have decided you should be here, so please let's not try and take advantage of a situation that's your own making.'
Sir Nicholas then said: 'Certainly apologise Mr Speaker, I wasn't trying to take advantage. And clearly it did mean the action of (Mr Jenrick) opposite as well to lay an urgent question, and that's how Parliament works, and rightly so.'
Sir Lindsay said: 'No, it's not the way we should be acting. The way we should be acting is that the statement should have been brought here on the day that it was announced.
'Let's get this very, very clear, this is not about having to grant an urgent question, this is about the Government doing the right thing, rather than somebody else having to drag the ministers here.'
Sir Nicholas said: 'I'm sorry for any misinformation that I've given in trying to begin this urgent question.'
Sir Lindsay could be heard saying 'you're a nice person', before Sir Nicholas went on to say: 'Thank you Mr Speaker, we respect each other and I respect very much that you are standing up for Parliament which is exactly the right thing to do and I applaud.'
On Wednesday, SNP MP Kirsty Blackman argued 'there is little point in having a Ministerial Code' if it continues to be ignored by the Government.
Responding to the MP for Aberdeen North's urgent question, Commons Leader Lucy Powell said: 'There are judgments to be made and there is a balance to be struck at times, and I do do this with the best interests of the House in mind.'
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9 minutes ago
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Telegraph
9 minutes ago
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Phillipson: Failure of white working-class children holding back Britain
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' Our job is to change the odds By Bridget Phillipson Exam results days are an annual celebration of education, the power of teaching, learning, hard work, knowledge and skills – from young people and their teachers alike – culminating in opportunities that last a lifetime. These days symbolise so much of what is good about going to school in this country. And young people from the best schools will be collecting their results this week not only with a world of opportunity ahead, but with experiences that will last a lifetime behind. A rich school experience built on strong academic foundations, with sport, music, the arts not a 'nice to have', but woven into the fabric of their education. But while this country is a good place to go to school, good isn't good enough. The images on television and the headline statistics we'll see this week mask the reality of a system that works for some children – even most children – but continues to let down tens of thousands more. 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Times
30 minutes ago
- Times
Home truths as Rachel Reeves considers her next move
Given their inherent unpopularity, unforecast property taxes tend to fall, to use the terminology of Yes Minister, toward the 'courageous' (vote-losing) end of the ministerial tool box. Yet, presiding over a weakening economy, and politically incapable of passing spending cuts that would help to close Labour's £50 billion fiscal black hole, Rachel Reeves is considering such measures ahead of her October budget. Meanwhile the cost of government borrowing is soaring, with the UK's 30-year gilt yield rising above the US for the first time in decades. The prospect of a fiscal crisis is rising. The chancellor is therefore turning to stale, failed ideas out of desperation to balance the public finances. According to one possible reform, owners of high-value properties would lose their exemption from capital gains tax when selling their primary residence. The measure could see high and additional rate taxpayers face new capital gains levies at a rate of 24 per cent at the point of sale; this would drop to 18 per cent for those paying tax at the basic rate. A separate reform, also being contemplated, would see all properties worth more than £500,000 subject to an annual levy. Whatever fresh political dressing Ms Reeves may give to the latter proposals, they are in spirit the very same 'mansion tax' initiatives abortively championed by Ed Miliband under his disastrous tenure as Labour leader. Ten years on, their flaws remain unchanged. Though these tax hikes would likely be branded as a justified raid on Britain's asset-rich, the fact remains that the UK's property taxes are not lenient by international standards: they are twice as high as the OECD average. Worse is that capital gains taxes distort economic behaviour, by producing a financial disincentive to sell. Such measures would discourage pensioners in large homes from downsizing and introduce further prohibitive barriers to those wishing to move for work or to start a family. It is the last change the UK's dysfunctional housing market needs. Levies tethered to property value, too, would hit just the very 'working people' Labour claims to want to protect from further taxes: the millions of middle-income earners and pensioners, the value of whose homes have been buoyed by asset bubbles, concentrated in the southeast, beyond their control. When it comes to reforming property tax there is a strong case for abolishing stamp duty, which similarly distorts market behaviour by depressing the volume of house sales and discouraging mobility. Unfortunately, such an obviously productive measure does not suit Ms Reeves's short-term agenda of plugging the hole in her government's finances. Though it would be a colossal political undertaking, there is a principled case for overhauling Britain's council tax system, whose eight bands have not been re-evaluated since 1991. Under the present, arguably regressive, system, a modest home in Blackpool may contribute as much to Treasury coffers as a pile in Kensington. What such fine-grained policy comparison ignores is that instead of inefficiently squeezing home-owners, and those attempting against the odds to get a foothold on the property ladder, Labour should have the political courage to show fiscal rectitude on spending. It could start with tackling the near £100 billion projected to be spent on health-related benefits by the end of the decade. The property-owning public should not be made to foot the bill for Labour's deficit in courage.