
India and Canada return ambassadors as Carney and Modi seek to move on from assassination dispute
India and Canada have agreed to return ambassadors to each other's capitals, turning the page on a bitter spat over an assassination, as Canada's new leader welcomed his counterpart Narendra Modi.
Prime minister Mark Carney, who took office in March, invited Modi to the Canadian Rockies as a guest at the summit of the Group of Seven major economies.
Carney's predecessor Justin Trudeau last year publicly accused India of involvement in the assassination of a Sikh separatist on Canadian soil and expelled the Indian ambassador, triggering a furious reciprocal response from India.
Carney and Modi agreed that the two countries would name new high commissioners, as ambassadors are known between Commonwealth nations.
The two leaders made the decision 'with a view to returning to regular services to citizens and businesses in both countries,' the Canadian prime minister's office said in a statement.
The row severely impeded diplomatic services between the two countries, which traded $9bn worth of goods in 2023 and have close cultural ties due to the vast Indian diaspora in Canada.
Canada was obliged to suspend in-person services at all missions in India outside its embassy in New Delhi.
Modi took a conciliatory tone as he met Carney at the mountain resort, saying that both Canada and India were 'dedicated to democratic values.'
'The relationship between India and Canada is very important in many ways,' Modi said.
He congratulated Carney on guiding his Liberal Party to an election victory and said: 'I am confident that together … India and Canada will work together to make progress in many areas.'
Carney said it was a 'great honour' to welcome Modi to the G7 summit but made a passing allusion to the domestically sensitive row with a reference to 'transnational repression.'
Carney said he hoped to work with India on 'the issues that we look to tackle together, from energy security … the future of artificial intelligence, to the fight that we have against transnational repression and against terrorism.'
Sikh protesters rallied on the streets of Calgary, the closest large city to the summit, as many criticised Carney's inclusion of Modi.
The left-wing New Democratic Party, the fourth largest party in Canada's parliament which is not formally part of Carney's government, denounced the invitation to Modi and pointed to allegations of Indian surveillance of its former leader Jagmeet Singh, who is Sikh.
'Continuing to engage Modi's government without accountability undermines all efforts to defend human rights, transparency, and the rule of law,' it said in a statement before the visit.
Canada is home to the largest Sikh population outside India. With 2% of the Canadian population and clustered in suburban swing areas, the community has exerted growing political influence.
Hardeep Singh Nijjar, a naturalised Canadian citizen who advocated for an independent Sikh state called Khalistan, was shot dead in the parking lot of a Sikh temple in British Columbia in 2023.
Trudeau accused India of direct involvement. Canada has accused India of directing a broad campaign of intimidation against Sikh activists in the country.
India denied involvement in the killing and said Canada should take more action against violent advocates for Khalistan, which has been reduced to a fringe movement inside India.
The United States, which has a warm relationship with India, also accused an Indian agent of involvement in an unsuccessful plot against a Sikh separatist on US soil but addressed concerns less publicly than Trudeau.
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The Guardian
39 minutes ago
- The Guardian
Wednesday briefing: How Trump's unpredictability is shaping the Middle East crisis
Good morning. In Alberta, Canada yesterday, leaders of six of the G7 countries set out their stalls on the conflict between Iran and Israel. Keir Starmer insisted that de-escalation was still the plan; Emmanuel Macron said that 'the biggest mistake that can be made today is to try to change the regime in Iran by military means'. But more than 3,000km away in Washington DC, the G7 leader who matters most was charting his own course – and bringing the US closer to entering the war. Within 24 hours Donald Trump shifted from promises that a deal could be done to demands for Tehran's 'unconditional surrender'. To his supporters this was a genius strategic manoeuvre and all part of the plan; to residents of the Iranian capital it is a much more ominous shift. The thousands who streamed from the city were not only responding to his Truth Social post calling for an immediate evacuation – but they may consider that Trump's past assertions that he wants to keep the US out of any conflict now look extremely unreliable. Last night, following a situation room briefing with his national security team, he was said to be weighing his options. A senior Israeli official told CNN: 'We are waiting for the decision of the president.' It is still unclear whether any strategy underpins Trump's public interventions – or if he has simply been shifting with the tides. Today's newsletter, with the Guardian's Andrew Roth in Washington DC, examines the available clues. Here are the headlines. Abortion rights | British MPs have voted to decriminalise abortion, marking the biggest step forward in reproductive rights in almost 60 years. 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In Alberta on Monday, he had suggested that a nuclear deal with Tehran remained 'achievable'; on the overnight flight back to DC, he said he was 'not too much in the mood to negotiate'; when he landed, he told reporters that he was 'not looking for a ceasefire', but a 'complete give-up' by Iran. Meanwhile, he posted on social media that 'IRAN CAN NOT HAVE A NUCLEAR WEAPON' and that 'everyone should immediately evacuate Tehran!' Later yesterday, he demanded Iran's 'unconditional surrender' and mused on how easy it would be to kill the supreme leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei. 'It has shifted in the last day in a very significant way,' Andrew Roth said. Meanwhile, as Dan Sabbagh explains in this analysis piece, the US has stepped up its military presence in the region. 'The rhetoric has risen exponentially, and the pieces to do it are there,' Andrew said. 'We don't know if that's a pressure tactic or a statement of intent, but either way it makes US involvement more likely.' What happened at the G7? The Alberta summit was meant to be an opportunity for the group of wealthy nations to reach useful agreements on major international issues: Ukraine, Gaza and Trump's tariffs were all on the table. But even before Trump's early exit, that agenda was torpedoed by Israel's new attack on Iran. Trump co-signed a brief statement before his departure calling for a 'de-escalation of hostilities in the Middle East, including a ceasefire in Gaza', and asserting that 'Iran can never have a nuclear weapon'. 'There's nothing the president said that suggests that he's about to get involved in this conflict,' Keir Starmer said. 'On the contrary, the G7 statement was about de-escalation.' That analysis would appear to be based on a touching faith in Trump's commitment to international diplomatic norms rather than abiding by whatever he's said last. What do we know about what Trump wants? Trump is reportedly obsessed with winning the Nobel peace prize. His consistent message to voters during the 2024 election campaign was that a vote for him was a vote to end foreign wars – and many took him at his word. As the news of Israel's strikes on Iran broke last week, Trump's secretary of state, Marco Rubio, emphasised that the US was 'not involved in strikes against Iran'; but Trump himself declined to comment on whether the US participated, and said that the White House had been fully apprised of Benjamin Netanyahu's plans. Israeli officials have briefed the media that public statements by the US and Israel were 'strategically coordinated to lull Tehran into a false sense of security' – but that should be treated with scepticism, since it has not been corroborated by reporters in Washington. In any case, the arc of Trump's comments in recent days has been to imply closer cooperation with Israel as Iran has appeared weakened. 'His shift towards Israel reflects the facts on the ground,' Andrew said. 'The most important thing for Trump is always to come out with a win: if he tries to restrain Israel and fails, he looks weaker than if he endorses an option he was against a month ago.' But with Iran so far avoiding any provocative strike on US interests in the region, it isn't clear what would prompt him to cross the line into direct military involvement. The simplest path might be to continue to use militaristic rhetoric in support of Israel's operation, but refrain from ordering US forces to attack Tehran. Israel would dearly love to have the US as a full ally in the conflict, since it is unable to penetrate Iran's most deeply buried nuclear facilities without US bunker-busting bombs. And with reports that Trump has encouraged new talks between his Middle East envoy Steve Witkoff and his Iranian counterparts, it is also possible that Trump will present Tehran with an ultimatum: commit to ending all nuclear enrichment in Iran, or face US bombing. 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Reuters
an hour ago
- Reuters
Japan's Ishiba departs G7 with US trade deal and political future in doubt
KANANASKIS, Canada, June 18 (Reuters) - Japanese premier Shigeru Ishiba's bid to get U.S. President Donald Trump to relax tariffs imperiling his country's economy and his political future fell flat this week, underlining the gulf between the allies as more levies are set to kick in. Ishiba traveled to the G7 summit in Canada hoping a direct appeal might get talks back on track after Japanese negotiators struggled to secure respite on a 25% tariff imposed on imported cars, according to two officials with knowledge of the matter. While the sun beamed down as Ishiba and Trump reclined in lounge chairs in the foothills of the Canadian Rockies, Monday's brief encounter did little to alter the grim forecast for Japanese industry girding for broader 24% levies due on July 9. The lack of progress could knock confidence in Ishiba's diplomacy just as he prepares to contest a dicey upper house election next month that some political analysts say could result in his ouster. "Despite our persistent efforts to find common ground through serious discussions, yesterday's meeting with President Trump confirmed that we still have discrepancies in our understanding," Ishiba told reporters on Tuesday before his departure from Canada. Trump earlier told reporters aboard Air Force One that "there was a chance of a deal" but appeared in little mood to cede ground. "Ultimately you have to understand we're just going to send a letter saying this is what you're going to pay otherwise you don't have to do business with us," he said. The most pressing issue for Japan has been the impact of Trump's tariffs on its auto sector, which employs nearly one in 10 of the country's workers and accounts for a fifth of exports. Japan's overall exports fell in May for the first time in eight months, piling pressure on its fragile economy, the world's fourth largest. Toyota Motor Corp (7203.T), opens new tab, Japan's leading car company, has already flagged that tariffs have likely sliced off 180 billion yen ($1.2 billion) from its profit in April and May alone. Honda (7267.T), opens new tab has said it expects a 650 billion yen ($4.5 billion) hit to its earnings this year from tariffs in the U.S. and elsewhere, while Mazda Motor (7261.T), opens new tab declined to issue a full-year profit forecast, citing uncertainty due to tariffs. Publicly, Ishiba's government has said it aims to win total exemption from Trump's auto tariffs, but behind the scenes its negotiators had been trying to convince Washington to knock them down to around 10%, the sources said, requesting anonymity due to the sensitivity of the matter. Trump's trade deal with Britain, where he agreed to allow a quota of cars to be subject to a lower 10% levy has provided somewhat of a template, although Japan is a far larger exporter of cars to the United States. In exchange for relief on the autos sector, Tokyo had pledged to step up purchases of U.S. gas and other items to rebalance a trade deficit that has long irked Trump. But just days before Ishiba was due to arrive in Kananaskis, Canada for the G7 summit, it became clear to Japan's negotiators that Washington was unwilling to budge, said one of the sources. Ishiba likely miscalculated by raising expectation of an agreement with Trump, said Kenji Minemura, a senior researcher at the Canon Institute for Global Studies. He will now have put a trade deal aside and focus on convincing Trump to extend the pause on the broader reciprocal levies, a senior lawmaker close to the premier said. Otherwise, Ishiba faces the prospect of contesting elections next month with the full force of Trump's tariffs in effect. The combined tariffs could shave nearly 1% off Japan's gross domestic product, Mizuho Research & Technologies has estimated. "The fact that nothing was agreed at the summit could raise doubts about the diplomatic skills of the Ishiba administration," said Hiroshi Shiratori, professor of contemporary political analysis at Hosei University. His ruling coalition may struggle to hold on to its majority in the upper house vote, a repeat of the result in the more powerful lower house election in October, which could potentially trigger his ouster, political analysts say. Even if the LDP limps on in minority rule, there is around a 70% chance the party would replace its leader, said Michael Cucek, a political science professor at Temple University in Tokyo. "If they do have a significant loss then Ishiba has to go. You can't lose two elections in a row," he said. Ishiba may get another chance to make progress with Trump later this month with the two leaders due to attend the two-day NATO summit in the Hague from June 24. ($1 = 145.2500 yen)


The Guardian
2 hours ago
- The Guardian
G7 leaders are paralysed by their fear of upsetting Donald Trump
There is no founding charter or admissions process to the self-selecting group of 'leading' economic powers that currently numbers seven. It was the G8 from 1997 to March 2014. Then Russia annexed Crimea and had its membership suspended, establishing the rule that participating nations should not seize their neighbours' land. The White House used to condemn that sort of thing on the grounds that 'it violates the principles upon which the international system is built'. These days, not so much. On Sunday, shortly after arriving for a G7 meeting in the Canadian resort of Kananaskis, Donald Trump told his host, the Canadian prime minister, Mark Carney, that Vladimir Putin's expulsion from the club had been a 'big mistake'. Within 24 hours Trump was back in Washington. There is precedent for the early departure. In June 2018, during his first term, Trump bailed on a G7 summit to meet North Korea's supreme leader, Kim Jong-un. This time he cited the escalating Israel-Iran conflict. That crisis is serious enough to justify the president clearing his diary of extraneous commitments. But it is revealing that dialogue with the US's closest allies is a disposable engagement. Arrogant unilateralism is an old feature of US foreign policy, especially in the Middle East. It is the prerogative of a superpower to disregard input from its strategic dependents. But Trump's G7 snub is not just a crass exaggeration of the usual American style. Sympathy with dictators and discomfort in the company of democrats express Trump's governing ethos. 'America First' is a doctrine that cannot conceive of mutual obligation between nations. There can be no G7, only the G1 and clients. Leaders who operate in deference to law and independent institutions are weak and contemptible. Strongmen who recognise no legitimate brake on their actions, who have folded the national interest into a personality cult, are admirable. To say that Trump indulges Putin misconstrues the balance of power. The US is vastly stronger than Russia, but its presidency, bound by fussy checks and balances, lacks the despotic agency of the Kremlin. Trump is envious. He claims simply to want deals with dictators, but he seems also to crave validation from them. By contrast, he thinks it is humiliating for the US commander-in-chief to be seated at a round table as the peer of a German chancellor or the prime minister of Canada – barely a proper country. The idea of coordinating foreign and trade policy on the basis of shared respect for political pluralism and the rule of law is an idea Trump finds absurd, if he even understands it. His agenda is dissolution of the west. The US's former allies need to recognise the magnitude of that ambition. Even when it is acknowledged, the scale of the challenge poses paralysing dilemmas. Layers of economic and military dependency are not easily peeled back. That is true for all of Europe, but especially Britain, where servicing the 'special' transatlantic relationship has been the axiomatic priority for decades. The road to a different strategic configuration, closer to allies on our own continent, is made rockier by Brexit. British audiences watching Trump defile the US constitution might wish Keir Starmer would give voice to their dismay. But there will be no 'Love Actually moment' – the term used derisively by diplomats for a fantasy re-enactment of Hugh Grant's cinematic rebuke to a swaggering, lecherous bully from the White House. Seasoned Trump handlers warn that disagreeing with the vindictive, thin-skinned president is best done behind closed doors. The art is not to challenge his view, but dress up dissent as a smarter way to satisfy his interests. Contradicting him in public is an act of self-injuring futility. Confrontation is not Starmer's style and his method is not fruitless. Trump found time on his curtailed trip to Canada to sign the executive order implementing a milder regime of punitive tariffs on Britain than is faced by most other countries. 'I like them,' Trump said in explanation of relative leniency for British exporters. (The compliment was confounded by his mistakenly describing it as deal with the EU.) Being liked by Trump is a transient condition. His deals are perishable. The ones signed with Canada and China in his first term were discarded. There are short-term commercial gains to be made by playing along with this capricious game, but the cost is accepting that the old rules no longer apply. That is bad for free trade and cataclysmic for democracy and international law. Over time, reluctance to say aloud that Trump is an authoritarian menace to the US's constitutional republic becomes complicity in the assault. The justification for silence is realpolitik – the argument that foreign policy should be moulded to the world as it is, not brandished as a demand that it be something else. But Trump inhabits a world fashioned around his own narcissistic delusions, populated by corrupt sycophants and far-right ideologues. Realpolitik in Trumpland is not an accommodation with reality but its wilful negation. It means normalising a project to hollow out US democracy, fill the shell with tyranny and call it freedom. Solidarity with Americans who are resisting that process is one reason for leaders in other countries to talk about it more candidly. Another is to anticipate and contain the risk of contagion. The Maga movement is indigenous to US politics, and not all of its culture-war obsessions resonate across the Atlantic. But it is also an ideological mothership supporting a flotilla of extreme nationalist parties, campaigns and digital influencers in the EU and the UK. Nigel Farage sails in that slipstream. The Conservatives drift aimlessly alongside. Trump himself is deeply unpopular in Britain, ranked unfavourably even by Reform UK supporters. Hence Farage is not as quick as he once was to boast of chumminess with the Mar-a-Lago crew. He also bristles when reminded that he once spoke of admiration for Putin. It is one of few lines of questioning that unsettles the mask of amiable composure. In the coming years, Farage has a balancing act to perform, fellow-travelling with a global consortium of far-right provocateurs and Kremlin apologists, while cultivating the aura of mainstream respectability required of a potential prime minister. He is well practised at the trick. It might be harder if the dark nature of his politics, the reliance on division, the cynical stirring of conflict, could be exposed by association with Trump; the British franchise of a toxic brand. That argument is harder to make as long as the reality of what is happening in the US is smothered in a gloss of realpolitik. Fear of provoking the tyrant keeps democratic leaders from telling the unvarnished truth about his regime. It is a risk. But a more insidious danger grows in silence, and there is no method for countering tyranny that leaves the truth unspoken. Rafael Behr is a Guardian columnist One year of Labour, with Pippa Crerar, Rafael Behr and more On 9 July, join Pippa Crerar, Rafael Behr, Frances O'Grady and Salma Shah as they look back at one year of the Labour government and plans for the next four years