Mexican town welcomes US emigres – DW – 07/27/2025
An increasing number of Americans are choosing to leave the United States due to what they perceive as a growing atmosphere of hostility, particularly toward marginalized groups. Traditionally, Mexico has been a popular destination for retirees and digital nomads from the US, but now it's also attracting individuals who feel threatened because of their political beliefs, sexual orientation or human rights work.
The American expatriate community in Mexico has become increasingly vocal, organizing protests and speaking out against US policies, especially those targeting migrants. Activists like Edgar Lopez from Democrats Abroad Mexico and American expat Veronica Gonzalez have condemned the racial motivations behind immigration enforcement and the criminalization of protest and Latino identity.
For many, Mexico represents not just a geographical escape, but a refuge from what they see as an increasingly intolerant and repressive environment in the United States.
Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles
Int'l Business Times
2 hours ago
- Int'l Business Times
Europe Hopes For 'No Surprises' As US Weighs Force Withdrawals
After keeping Donald Trump happy with a pledge to up defence spending at NATO's summit, Europe is now bracing for a key decision from the US president on the future of American forces on the continent. Washington is currently conducting a review of its military deployments worldwide -- set to be unveiled in coming months -- and the expectation is it will lead to drawdowns in Europe. That prospect is fraying the nerves of US allies, especially as fears swirl that Russia could look to attack a NATO country within the next few years if the war in Ukraine dies down. However, the alliance is basking in Trump's newfound goodwill following its June summit in The Hague, and his officials are making encouraging noises that Europe will not be left in the lurch. "We've agreed to no surprises and no gaps in the strategic framework of Europe," said Matthew Whitaker, US ambassador to NATO, adding he expected the review to come out in "late summer, early fall". "I have daily conversations with our allies about the process," he said. While successive US governments have mulled scaling back in Europe to focus more on China, Trump has insisted more forcefully than his predecessors that the continent should handle its own defence. "There's every reason to expect a withdrawal from Europe," said Marta Mucznik from the International Crisis Group. "The question is not whether it's going to happen, but how fast." When Trump returned to office in January many felt he was about to blow a hole in the seven-decade-old alliance. But the vibe in NATO circles is now far more upbeat than those desperate days. "There's a sanguine mood, a lot of guesswork, but the early signals are quite positive," one senior European diplomat told AFP, talking as others on condition of anonymity. "Certainly no panic or doom and gloom." The Pentagon says there are nearly 85,000 US military personnel in Europe -- a number that has fluctuated between 75,000 and 105,000 since Russia's 2022 invasion of Ukraine. "I think it is inevitable that they pull out some of their forces," a second European diplomat told AFP. "But I don't expect this to be like a dramatic overhaul. I think it's going to be gradual. I think it's going to be based on consultations." Trump's first target is likely to be the troops left over from a surge ordered by his predecessor Joe Biden after Moscow's tanks rolled into Ukraine. Officials say relocating the rump of that 20,000-strong deployment would not hurt NATO's deterrence too much -- but alarm bells would ring if Trump looked to cut too deep into personnel numbers or close key bases. The issue is not just troop numbers -- the US has capabilities such as air defences, long-range missiles and satellite surveillance that allies would struggle to replace in the short-term. "The kinds of defence investments by Europe that are being made coming out of The Hague summit may only be felt in real capability terms over many years," said Ian Lesser from the German Marshall Fund think tank. "So the question of timing really does matter." Washington's desire to pull back from Europe may be tempered by Trump now taking a tougher line with Russia -- and Moscow's reluctance to bow to his demands to end the Ukraine war. "It seems an inopportune moment to send signals of weakness and reductions in the American security presence in Europe," Lesser said. He also pointed to Trump's struggles during his first term to pull troops out of Germany -- the potential bill for relocating them along with political resistance in Washington scuppering the plan. While European diplomats are feeling more confident than before about the troop review, they admit nothing can be certain with the mercurial US president. Other issues such as Washington's trade negotiations with the EU could rock transatlantic ties in the meantime and upend the good vibes. "It seems positive for now," said a third European diplomat. "But what if we are all wrong and a force decrease will start in 2026. To be honest, there isn't much to go on at this stage."
Int'l Business Times
3 hours ago
- Int'l Business Times
US Tariff Tussles Stuff Of Nightmares For Bordeaux Winemakers
French wine producers, already reeling from a downturn in their market, still do not know how bitter a taste the US tariffs on wine will leave on their palates. In southwestern France, around the Bordeaux region's famed vineyards, months of talk on what US President Donald Trump will decide on tariffs have been the stuff of nightmares for producers as they look on helplessly. The United States is by far the top export market for Bordeaux's wine, accounting for 400 million euros ($470 million) worth of annual sales -- or about 20 percent of the total. China lags behind with 300 million euros ahead of the United Kingdom with 200 million. Sunday's announcement of a trade deal between the United States and the European Union did not clear up what tariffs European wine and spirits producers will face in the United States. While Trump said European exports face 15 percent tariffs across the board, both sides said there would be carve-outs for certain sectors. EU head Ursula Von der Leyen said the bloc still hoped to secure further so-called "zero-for-zero" agreements, notably for alcohol, which she hoped to be "sorted out" in the coming days. Philippe Tapie, chairman of regional traders' union Bordeaux Negoce, which represents more than 90 percent of the wine trade in the Bordeaux area, is worried by the uncertainty. "One day, it is white, the next it is black -- the US administration can change its mind from one day to the next and we have no visibility," he told AFP. In mid-March, Trump had threatened Brussels with 200 percent tariffs on alcohol in response to a proposed EU tax on US bourbon. Then in April he brandished a new threat of 20 percent across the board on EU products, a threat ultimately suspended. Since then, the level first held at ten percent but, in late May, the US leader threatened to revert to 50 percent before pivoting to 30 percent starting August 1st, the deadline for the negotiations with the EU that led to a preliminary accord after Trump and Von der Leyen met in Scotland on Sunday. "At 10 percent or 15 percent, we'll find solutions. At 30 percent, no. End of story," Tapie warned just ahead of the announcement as he criticised a "totally unpredictable American administration". To export wine, "there's a minimum of 30 days by boat. If you go to California, it's 60 days. We can't think in terms of weeks," says Tapie, who says he has "never been confronted with such a situation" in 30 years of business. Twins Bordeaux, one of Bordeaux's leading wine merchants, also laments the tariffs' impact. "The American market represents about a third of our turnover, or around 30 million euros," explains Sebastien Moses, co-director and co-owner of Twins, which usually ships upwards of a million bottles a year to the United States. Since January, "our turnover must have fallen by 50 percent compared to last year," he says. "So far, we've managed to save the situation, because as soon as Donald Trump was elected we anticipated this and sent as much stock as possible to the US," explains Moses, though longer term he says this is not a "stable" strategy. As an attempted work around Twins Bordeaux even shipped cases of around 10,000 bottles by air in March. "But only very expensive wines, at no less than 150-200 euros per bottle, because by air it's at least two and a half times the price of shipping by sea," he said. For Bordeaux wine merchant Bouey, the US market represents less than 10 percent of its exports. "We have long since undertaken a geographical expansion. Faced with the global chaos, commercial strategies can no longer be based on a single- or dual-country strategy," Jacques Bouey, its CEO, told AFP in April. The tariffs come with the industry already struggling with declining consumption that has led to overproduction and a collapse in bulk prices. By early 2023, a third of Bordeaux's approximately 5,000 wine growers admitted to being in difficulty. "We're starting to become world champions in terms of accumulating problems," complained Tapie.
DW
17 hours ago
- DW
As France's Africa policy collapses how do companies adjust? – DW – 07/27/2025
With the political leaders of francophone Africa increasingly turning their backs on their former colonial rulers, French corporations have been forced to rethink doing business with Africa without Paris' support. The disruption is now in full swing, with more and more African countries, particularly in the Sahel region of northern and western Africa, rejecting the so-called Francafrique policy by their former colonial power, France. The term refers to a complex and controversial network of political, economic, social and military ties between France and its former African colonies, describing a kind of special relationship characterized by ongoing French influence in these nations. Often described as neocolonial, France's Africa policy is under massive political and popular pressure, and the fight against it is openly challenging Paris' military, diplomatic and economic footprint in Africa. The Sahel region stretches from the Sahara Desert in the north to the savannas in the south, encompassing several countries, including Mali, Niger, Burkina Faso, Mauritania and Chad. To view this video please enable JavaScript, and consider upgrading to a web browser that supports HTML5 video Antoine Glaser is a French journalist and former director of Paris-based magazine — a leading publication focused on Africa with editions in English and French. He said French companies with operations in the region enjoyed "preferential treatment," especially during the Cold War era due to the Francafrique policy. "They thought they were at home in Africa," he told DW, and ignored more recent realities such as the fact that Africa has "gone global and France didn't see China coming." One such stark reality, he added, is Chinese companies now have a 25% market share in French-speaking Africa, while France's share has tumbled to "between 6% and 7%." Moreover, French multinational nuclear fuel cycle corporation Orano announced last September that it would suspend production at its Arlit uranium mine in northern Niger due to financial difficulties faced by its Nigerien subsidiary, Somair. The decision came as border closures between Niger and Benin, triggered by the July 2023 coup, had blocked all uranium exports, Orano said in a statement, adding: "In spite of efforts to find alternative possibilities to export the uranium produced by Somair and to relaunch commercial activities, all the proposals made to the Nigerien authorities have remained unanswered." In June 2024, Orano also lost its mining license for the Imouraren uranium deposit due to a decision by the military government, which revoked the license following a period of tensions and ultimatum. Situated about 160 kilometers (100 miles) from Agadez — the largest town in central Niger — the Imouraren mine holds one of the world's largest uranium deposits. Mining was launched by French nuclear group Areva, rebranded as Orano in 2018, which mothballed the mine in 2015 due to unfavorable market conditions. Since then, tensions have illustrated the fragility of a system in which military and diplomatic presence supported economic interests. Beyond the uranium sector, France's whole model of influence is being destabilized, affecting sectors like infrastructure, telecommunication, energy and public works — all symbols of France's presence that are now being regularly challenged. In February 2023, French President Emmanuel Macron presented a new strategy, entitled "Our Future The Africa-France Partnership," and offering new forms of partnerships. Unveiled by Macron ahead of his tour of Central Africa, the strategy advocates abandoning old paradigms and puts a new emphasis on economic and trade relations rather than focusing on security issues. The central idea of this new model is based on a transition from "a logic of aid to a logic of solidarity investments and partnerships," and is meant to be a "symbiotic relationship" beneficial to all parties. What France used to consider as its "backyard" for a long time is disappearing amid wider change in the Sahel region. In addition, Africa as a whole is no longer France's exclusive business playground. Countries like Turkey, Russia, China and even Germany are advancing their positions, forcing French companies to readjust their business policy if they are to survive in an increasingly competitive environment. A French corporate consultant, speaking on condition of anonymity, told DW that in Mali, Burkina Faso and Niger, the real French presence was "already marginal before recent tensions" with their colonial motherland. In the mining industry, he said, the main players are now often from Australia or Canada, like Toronto-based mining giant Barrick Mining Corporation. "The perception that France is omnipresent is stronger than the reality," he said. He also noted that behind "official posturing," a strategy was becoming clearer: "Maintain a presence, but through more indirect means." French companies would now seek to maintain market share "without provoking rejection" by launching joint ventures, local partnerships or the creation of project companies under local law. "There is now a dynamic in which these companies are adapting through cooperating more with local partners, setting up shared structures. It's a way of staying active while avoiding head-on visibility," he added. Yves Ekoue Amaizo, the director at the Afrocentricity Think Tank, thinks the gradual withdrawal of French companies also opens the door to new alliances, because African countries would now have "the capacity and the partners to replace these companies." "China, Turkey and other immediate players are already involved. But this means accepting new, often opaque conditions, and managing a context of risks [such as] political instability, terrorism and legal uncertainties," he told DW. While withdrawal seems inevitable for some French multinational corporations, others are still betting on rebalancing their business strategies. According to a report in the offshore industry magazine , energy giant TotalEnergies, for example, is trying to find a new footing in English- and Portuguese-speaking countries, including Kenya, South Africa, Namibia and Angola. But competition there is fierce, and France can no longer rely on a historical advantage in these countries. Even more so as questions of legitimacy and social responsibility also play an increasing role, said Amaizo. "The real question is one of mentality. If companies want to remain credible, they must prove that they are co-constructing locally and sharing the benefits, rather than going it alone with the resources." With the era of the Francafrique special relationship between France and its former African colonies now coming to an end, there are signs that French multinationals are trying to transform themselves, too, by collaborating more strongly with local partners or moving operations elsewhere in Africa. No matter what they do or where they go, legitimacy remains their main capital and must be regained.
