
Ayotte signs first bill to promote more housing
Feb. 27—A bill that could reduce upfront costs for housing developers by carving out the energy portion with special financing became the first one Gov. Kelly Ayotte signed into law Thursday.
New Hampshire will join 36 other states that legally allow developers to deploy Commercial Property Assessed Clean Energy and Resiliency agreements (C-PACER).
"Housing is our most critical economic issue, and this legislation is another tool in our toolbox to help bring even more housing development to New Hampshire. I was glad to sign SB-4 to create a C-PACER program in our state," Ayotte said in a statement.
"By making it easier for private sector partners to finance projects and removing the administrative burden on municipalities, we're taking an important step in the right direction to increase the supply of attainable housing for our growing workforce."
State Sen. Dan Innis, R-Bradford, who is chairman of the Senate Commerce Committee, was the lead sponsor of the bill (SB 4).
"(C-PACER) is designed to help new housing projects by reducing the upfront costs through financing developments and freeing up capital for other projects," Innis said.
Both House Speaker Sherman Packard and Senate President Sharon Carson, both R-Londonderry, joined in on celebrating the legislation becoming law.
"This bill is not just about building housing, it's about strengthening our economy and providing long-term solutions that benefit all Granite Staters," Packard said.
Eligible spending includes energy-efficient upgrades, building insulation, cost-effective renewable energy and water conservation measures, officials said.
While housing is the primary focus, any commercial property can use C-PACER, including manufacturing plants, office buildings, retail buildings and multifamily housing projects.
The legislation had universal bipartisan support. It cleared the state Senate, 24-0. The House passed it on a voice vote.
Sen. Tara Reardon, D-Concord, a retired executive with the New Hampshire Community Loan Fund, joined Innis in writing the bill.
"Innovation and creativity in financing is crucial for housing development, particularly in a housing crisis," Reardon said.
Starting Jan. 1, C-PACER will replace a law on energy efficiency and clean energy districts that state officials said proved to be unworkable.
Energy spending becomes
similar to a tax lien
James Key-Wallace, executive director of the Business Finance Authority, said the existing law requires every participating town to write its own documents, run its own programs and do its own billing.
Under the new reform, the BFA will serve as the central administrator to allow municipalities to take advantage of the voluntary option at no cost.
Each city and town must decide to opt in to the program.
The existing law required the provider to file a mortgage, Key-Wallace explained.
Under thes plan, the financing for the energy part of the project is part of the developer's tax bill that is repaid over time.
Currently, 22 states have active programs converting hundreds of millions a year in energy spending into capital investments to make projects more affordable, Key-Wallace said.
Steve Duprey, a former Republican state chairman and Concord developer, said during a recent hearing that this will make projects more feasible for builders.
With a $10 million project, Duprey said a lender might ask the developer to come up with $3 million as a down payment and finance the other $7 million in a first mortgage.
With a $2 million energy portion of the project separated out, this would lower that mortgage to $5 million and make the energy spending like a tax lien, Duprey said.
"As a result, a builder may only need to put down 15 to 20 percent," Duprey told Innis's committee.
Duprey called it the "best tool to increase the amount of housing" and both profit and non-profit developers could make good use of it.
A broad coalition of groups backed the bill, including the New Hampshire Homebuilders, New Hampshire Realtors, Clean Energy N.H., the N.H. Lodging & Restaurant Association, the N.H. Municipal Association and the New Hampshire Business and Industry Association (BIA).
BIA officials announced a press conference for Tuesday to unveil the Housing Supply Coalition of 20 member groups that will outline their issue agenda for the 2025 legislative session.
klandrigan@unionleader.com
Hashtags

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles

Yahoo
23 minutes ago
- Yahoo
Kweisi Mfume is pitching an old-school approach to one of House Democrats' highest-profile jobs
Frustrated by Democrats' seniority system, Kweisi Mfume fled the House three decades ago, saying he could do more to advance civil rights from the outside. Now he's back and trying to reap the benefits of seniority at a moment when many in his party are starting to openly question it. The Baltimore native last month surprised many House colleagues by entering the wide-open race to lead Democrats on the high-profile Oversight Committee, seeking to fill the spot vacated by the sudden death of Virginia Rep. Gerry Connolly. Into the void jumped a pair of young, ambitious members — Jasmine Crockett of Texas and Robert Garcia of California — as well as a close Connolly ally, Stephen Lynch of Massachusetts. And then there's Mfume, who at 76 is making no bones about this being the capstone of a long career that included stints leading the Congressional Black Caucus and the NAACP — jobs he took back in the 1990s. 'I started a long time ago when dinosaurs roamed the earth,' Mfume joked in an interview, before describing his old-school approach to legislative relations: 'The first thing you learn is how to count votes, which has never failed me yet,' he said, adding that he would be careful not to alienate colleagues 'by doing something that causes problems for them in their district.' Rather than detail a point-by-point agenda for taking on President Donald Trump and congressional Republicans, Mfume said if elected he'd convene the committee's Democrats to decide a course of action. The party, he said, can only move forward with a 'consensus.' That style stands in sharp contrast to a Democratic base that's itching for more aggressive leadership and a more visible fight with Trump — something the other candidates are clearly heeding: Garcia has tangled with the Justice Department over his criticism of Elon Musk; Crockett has broached the prospect of a Trump impeachment inquiry; and Lynch, as the panel's interim top Democrat, attempted last week to subpoena Musk during a panel hearing. The race also threatens to become a proxy fight for broader questions about age and seniority inside the Democratic Party. House Democrats ousted several aging committee leaders at the end of last Congress as they girded for a fight with the Trump administration — and many in the base were disappointed when Connolly triumphed over Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez of New York. The winner is poised to lead efforts to investigate and thwart the Trump administration if Democrats can retake the House majority next year — and ride herd on a chaotic panel that in recent months has featured intense personal attacks between lawmakers and the display of nude photos. 'It's a street fight every day,' said Rep. Lateefah Simon of California when asked about the panel and what it takes to lead it. 'It's every single day being able to expose the hypocrisy of this administration and to tell the truth.' There was a time when Mfume would have been a natural choice for such a moment. First elected to Baltimore's City Council at the age of 30, he quickly butted heads with legendary Mayor William Donald Schaefer. After longtime Rep. Parren Mitchell retired, Mfume easily won the seat in 1986 and within a few years become a national figure due to his chairmanship of the CBC. Ascending to that role just as Bill Clinton was elected to the presidency, he became an important power broker, forcing key concessions in Clinton's 1993 budget and pushing the White House to restore ousted Haitian president Jean-Bertrand Aristide to power. He also clashed with Clinton at times, including over his decision to pull the nomination of prominent Black legal scholar Lani Guinier to a top Justice Department post. But after Democrats lost their House majority in 1994 — and Mfume lost a quixotic bid to enter the party leadership — he decided two years later to forgo a long climb up the seniority ladder. He instead took the helm at the Baltimore-based NAACP, a job thought to better harness his skills at organizing and oratory. Former Maryland state Sen. Jill Carter said Mfume has long had the 'it factor' and 'charisma' that matters in politics. When Carter ran against Mfume in his 2020 House comeback bid, she got a reminder of how well her rival was known in the district and beyond: 'When some of my people did exit polling, they got the response, 'Oh, we love Jill but, come on, this is Kweisi.'' What's less clear is whether Mfume's reputation in Baltimore, burnished over 45 years in the public eye, makes him the man for the moment as far as his contemporary House colleagues are concerned. He's not known as a partisan brawler, and he said in the interview he doesn't intend to become one. 'There are always going to be fights and disagreements,' he said. 'It's kind of escalated in the last few years to a level that we haven't seen before. I think the main thing is to moderate and to manage the disagreements, because you're not going to cause any of them to go away. How you manage them and how they are perceived by the overall public is what makes a difference.' Mfume is leaning heavily, in fact, on the style and reputation of the man who filled the 7th District seat for the 24 years in between his House stints — the late Rep. Elijah Cummings, who served as top Democrat and then chair of Oversight during Trump's first term and is still spoken of in reverent terms inside the caucus. Mfume concedes that Cummings might have been the better communicator — he 'had a little more preacher in him than I do' — but said they share a similar lofty approach to politics. Like Cummings, he suggested prescription drug prices might be a committee priority. What Mfume is unlikely to have is the official support of the Congressional Black Caucus, a powerful force in intracaucus politics. With two members in the race — Crockett also belongs — Mfume said he does not expect a formal CBC endorsement after an interview process Wednesday. But he still expected to draw support from the bloc — especially its more senior members. Other factors complicate Mfume's candidacy. One is age: He is a year older than Connolly was when he was elected to lead Oversight Democrats last year. For those who prize seniority, Lynch has actually spent more time on the panel. And his 2004 departure from the NAACP was marred by controversy: The Baltimore Sun reported the executive committee of the group voted not to extend his contract under threat of a sexual harassment lawsuit; the NAACP later paid the woman who complained a $100,000 settlement. Mfume strenuously denied any wrongdoing, but while the episode has not emerged as a major issue in the Oversight race, some Democrats have privately expressed reservations about elevating a leader with personal baggage to potentially lead investigations of Trump. 'There's never been one person to corroborate that one allegation — not one,' Mfume said. About the payment, he said, 'I found out about it, quite frankly, after it happened.' Much of the Democratic Caucus remains undecided ahead of the June 24 secret-ballot vote. Candidates will first go before Democrats' Steering and Policy Committee, which will make a recommendation to the full caucus. 'I think that you have a situation where Mfume and Steve Lynch are getting support from folks who put seniority at top, and maybe the other two candidates would probably lean toward members who are newer, and then you got a whole host of folks that's in the middle. And I think that's where the battle is to see where they fall,' said Rep. Greg Meeks (D-N.Y.). One younger member said he was swayed by Mfume's experience. Rep. Ro Khanna (D-Calif.), who is 48 and had weighed his own bid, said that while other candidates were compelling, the Baltimorean had a 'leg up.' 'Kweisi shows me pictures of him with Nelson Mandela,' he said. 'I was like, I'm not going to run against Nelson Mandela's best friend.'

Indianapolis Star
29 minutes ago
- Indianapolis Star
Mike Braun is failing Indiana, yet wants to be president
Mike Braun hated being a U.S. senator and left after one failed term. Now, he's not quite six months into a failing term as Indiana governor, and he's already looking for his next job. Politico's Adam Wren reports Braun is discussing a run for president in 2028, the strongest signal yet that he is as delusional as he is inept. Here's Braun's record as governor so far: He over-promised a massive property tax cut and couldn't deliver. It won't get better from here. The economy is worsening, which means Braun is likely to oversee an era of increasingly draconian budget cuts, rising unemployment and accelerated decline in rural areas. That is not the stuff of presidential campaigns. Put aside Braun's botched first legislative session. Presidents need to be good at politics. Braun is bad at politics. Braun didn't have the political acumen to stop Micah Beckwith's lieutenant governor nomination last year, but he thinks he can navigate a presidential primary? Does he know that other people will be running? Briggs: Jim Banks would let Trump commit any crime you can imagine Braun's fiasco at last year's Indiana Republican Party convention saddled him with a lieutenant governor who overshadows him at every turn and is openly opposing him. Remember, President Trump actually endorsed Braun's preferred running mate, state Rep. Julie McGuire, and it didn't matter. Beckwith won anyway because Indiana's populist right views Beckwith as authentic and Braun and his team as MAGA cosplayers. Beckwith's outsized presence has forced Braun into errors, such as making the ill-advised property tax promise and then doubling down on it at a Beckwith-headlined rally where Braun was the third wheel. Braun lacks principles and objectives, so he operates as a copycat politician. But he doesn't actually understand why figures such as Trump or Beckwith are successful, so he offers awkward imitations and looks pathetic. Yes, Braun has won big elections. He ran an exceptional campaign for U.S. Senate in 2018 and then lucked his way through an overcrowded and underwhelming GOP primary field for governor last year before winning in November. Despite all that winning, he doesn't have a single substantive achievement to serve as a foundation for a presidential run. He doesn't even have a lame culture war win. Braun is a sad man in a blue shirt who can't appreciate any of his business or electoral success because he's always looking for the next big, powerful job to give his life meaning. There is no national demand for someone like this to run for president. Braun is not going to be president. What's worse, Braun also won't be much of a governor. Who do you know who excels at a job they don't want? Braun is bored with being governor, just like he got bored early in his Senate term. We're stuck for three and a half years with someone who pursued the governor's office for a dopamine rush and now would prefer to be elsewhere. Briggs: Diego Morales is rubbing our faces in his corruption. Impeach him now. Braun checking out on Indiana was entirely predictable. Why did he want to be a senator? Why did he want to be governor? Why does he want to be president? I'm genuinely asking. As far as I can tell, Braun has no theory of government external to his own ambitions. He runs for office for the sake of running for office. Unlike when Braun was a non-factor in the Senate, Hoosiers will notice him checking out now. Braun is not even a sure thing to win a second term as governor, should he decide to run, much less a top-tier contender for the presidency. The only thing ahead for Braun, 71, is retirement. He can either come up with something productive to do and try to leave a lasting impact on Indiana, or keep doing TV hits and signing inconsequential executive orders to look busy. Either way, his presidential ambition is a fantasy. The most pitiful thing about Braun is he'll be the last person to figure that out.


CNBC
an hour ago
- CNBC
Here's what's happening with unemployed Americans — in five charts
While the unemployment rate in the U.S. is still fairly low, data shows it's not uncommon to see individuals job hunting for extended periods of time. The unemployment rate remained flat at 4.2% in May, the Bureau of Labor Statistics reported Friday. However, over the past six months, it's become "drastically harder to find a job," whether you're entering the job market for the first time or you've been looking for a while, according to Alí Bustamante, an economist and director at the Roosevelt Institute, a liberal think tank. "It's not that folks are losing their jobs," Bustamante said. "It's just that businesses are much more reticent to hire people, to make investments, because they just feel this very uncertain economic climate." More from Personal Finance:Millions of Americans would lose health insurance under House GOP megabillCheck your home insurance ahead of an 'above normal' hurricane season401(k) balances drop due to market volatility: Fidelity Bustamante and other economists say several data points beyond the headline job market numbers — the job-finding and quits rates, the share of workers who have been unemployed for 27 weeks or more, a broader rate of unemployment and the state of so-called "white collar" jobs — showcase deeper issues within the labor market. "Employers aren't hiring, they're not firing. People aren't leaving their jobs, and there's just fewer opportunities right now," said Cory Stahle, an economist at Indeed, a job search site. As career coach Mandi Woodruff-Santos put it during a recent interview with CNBC: "The job market is kind of trash right now." Here's what's happening with unemployed Americans, in five charts. The job-finding rate reflects the share of unemployed workers who successfully found a job, Stahle said. Over the past few years, the job-finding rate for unemployment has been declining, he said. In other words, people who are looking for work are not finding jobs, Stahle said. On the flip side, the quits rate reflects the share of employees who have left their jobs in a given month, Stahle said. That figure has also been declining, meaning people are not voluntarily leaving their jobs. The quits rate was at 2.0% in April, little changed from 2.1% in March, both numbers seasonally adjusted, according to the latest Job Openings and Labor Turnover report by the Bureau of Labor Statistics. The number of quits was down by 220,000 over the year. Hiring activity has also been down in recent years. The rate of hires was at 3.5% in April, little changed from 3.4% in March, both seasonally adjusted, per the JOLTs report. As people stay put in their jobs and employers are reluctant to hire, such factors create a "low hiring, low firing" environment, Stahle said. The number of long-term unemployed workers dropped in the bureau's latest report. However, not only is the rate still high, the recent drop could also be a red flag, Bustamente said. The share of unemployed workers facing long-term unemployment — those who have been jobless for at least 27 weeks — was a seasonally adjusted 20.4% in May, according to the bureau's latest data. That's down from a seasonally adjusted 23.5% in April. But the recent decline may not be an improvement. It could be signaling that a large number of long-term unemployed workers left the labor force altogether, he said. Considering that 139,000 jobs were added in May and about 218,000 workers are no longer in the unemployment cohort, there's a significant gap of workers who were unemployed but did not secure new roles, Bustamante said. What's more, the number of people not in the labor force jumped by 622,000 in May. "All the data point to long-term unemployment declining because people left the labor force," Bustamante said. While the headline unemployment rate — also known as the U-3 rate — has remained steady, another measure shows a clearer picture of what's happening with unemployed workers still looking for jobs, experts say. The U-6 rate includes the total number of unemployed workers, plus all marginally attached workers, and the total employed part time for economic reasons. Marginally attached workers are those who are neither working nor looking for a job — but indicate that they want and are available for work, and looked for a new role recently. There's a subset of this group called discouraged workers, or those who are not currently looking for a job due to labor-market reasons. People employed part time for economic reasons are those who want and are available for full-time work but settled for a part-time schedule. As of the latest BLS data, the U-6 rate remained unchanged from April at 7.8%. This data tells us that more and more Americans have either stopped looking for work out of labor-market frustrations, or are picking up part-time gigs to get by financially, experts say. When looking at professional and business services — the industry that represents "white collar," and middle and upper-class, educated workers — there hasn't been much hiring, experts say. Fields such as marketing, software development, data analytics and data science have far fewer opportunities now than they did before the pandemic, Stahle said. On the other hand, industries such as health care, construction and manufacturing have seen consistent job growth. Nearly half of the job growth came from health care, which added 62,000 jobs in May, the bureau found. "There's been a divergence in opportunity," Stahle said. "Your experience with the labor market is going to depend largely on the type of work it is you're doing."