With about 2 weeks left, Korean voters use YouTube to 'feel out' candidates
After months of political upheaval, from last December's martial law crisis to President Yoon Suk Yeol's impeachment this April, South Korea has entered a full-blown election sprint.
In an early presidential race few saw coming until late last year, candidates and voters alike are navigating a compressed, high-stakes campaign ahead of the June 3 vote. Amid this rush, voters across the country are increasingly turning to YouTube for candid, unfiltered glimpses into the personalities, values and authenticity of the candidates.
"This election isn't about voters changing their minds through YouTube. Instead, voters are likely using YouTube to confirm their perceptions of various candidates, such as who seems trustworthy, authentic or flawed. It's less about swaying votes and more about shaping how people feel about their choices," said Park Jin-woo, a media communications professor at Hanyang University.
YouTube's rise as a key battleground in South Korea's election landscape comes as no surprise, given its deep roots in the country's political culture.
According to the 2024 Digital News Report from the Reuters Institute and Korea Press Foundation, 75 percent of Koreans regularly watch news on YouTube. This far surpasses the global average of 51 percent. This high reliance spans all age groups. Even among voters aged 60 and above, YouTube usage for news stands at 55 percent, nearly double the international average of 28 percent.
Among the candidates, Lee Jae-myung of the Democratic Party of Korea has the most powerful YouTube presence by far. His official channel, launched over a decade ago, has more than 1.4 million subscribers and approximately 3,500 videos.
Lee's videos try to lean heavily into humor, approachability and meme-ready charm. Thumbnails are often heavily photoshopped for comic effect, such as one showing him mid-drum solo. His Shorts are even more rapid-fire: since Yoon's removal on April 4, Lee has released over 120 Shorts, capitalizing on the platform's most viral format.
He is also heavily invested in livestreaming and his channel's live section is packed with a wide mix of real-time broadcasts almost daily.
Lee's appearances on other influential channels have made headlines as well. On Feb. 18, he spontaneously joined a livestream by the liberal political channel "Saenal," humorously reminding viewers to "subscribe, like and turn on notifications." The broadcast immediately went viral, prompting fans to donate more than 6 million won ($4,260) through YouTube's live chat, making it a top live donation stream on YouTube's charts that day.
But with high visibility comes scrutiny, along with Lee's persistent controversies.
An analysis from Sometrend, a local social media data analytics firm, shows that between Yoon's removal on April 4 and the start of the official presidential campaign on May 12, Lee generated over 211,000 mentions in YouTube comments, which is the highest among all candidates. However, negative mentions outweighed positive ones, accounting for 46 percent (97,597 cases) compared to 40 percent (85,270 cases) positive, with the remaining 13 percent classified as neutral.
Critically, keywords like "crime" appear prominently in negative mentions of Lee, reflecting ongoing public attention to unresolved corruption and other legal allegations.
These controversies haven't derailed his front-runner status, as recent polls show Lee comfortably leading, but they've given voters reason to closely scrutinize his character online.
Updated Sometrend data, which now includes the first week of official campaigning through May 18, in addition to the earlier April 4-May 12 period, shows that public sentiment toward Lee has leveled out, with 44 percent of mentions positive and 43 percent negative.
Kim Moon-soo, the conservative candidate from the People Power Party, presents a very different YouTube profile that is newer, more traditional and far less dynamic.
His official channel was launched just over a month ago, on April 9, apparently for this election. As of May 19, it has quickly gained 389,000 subscribers, which is an impressive feat for such a short timeline. The subscriber count surged especially after he was formally confirmed as the party's candidate.
Still, his content tends to lack flair. Most of Kim's videos, now totaling 225, follow a conventional format, such as speeches, policy announcements and campaign clips with minimal editing or emotional pull. His most-viewed video has 104,000 views, but most others hover below 10,000.
Sometrend's data from the April 4-May 18 period reveals Kim generated fewer YouTube mentions overall: 217,884 compared to Lee's 276,202. His online sentiment profile is slightly more positive, with 48 percent positive (104,097 mentions), 40 percent negative (87,111) and 12 percent neutral.
One notable attempt by Kim to boost his digital visibility was a recent humorous appearance on the popular comedy show, "Saturday Night Live Korea," where he poked fun at himself for a 2011 incident when he scolded an emergency dispatcher by repeatedly declaring, "This is the governor speaking!"
Though the episode briefly gained attention with over 1 million views, Kim's appearance failed to create sustained YouTube engagement or notably shift his online image.
Further complicating Kim's image online is his indirect association with controversial narratives around far-fetched election fraud claims promoted by far-right groups loyal to impeached former President Yoon. Kim himself has remained ambiguous rather than overtly supportive of Yoon.
Lee Jun-seok, the youngest and most unconventional of the major candidates, represents the New Reform Party and has carved out a niche with a small but passionate digital base.
While his overall YouTube footprint tracked by Sometrend is modest (34,093 mentions), his channel has become a magnet for younger, reform-minded voters.
Lee's standout content is his nightly livestream, 'Up All Night Live." Broadcasting almost every weekday at 10 p.m., he shares personal commentary, political hot takes and reaction segments, often drawing tens of thousands of viewers. As of mid-May, the stream has passed its 40th episode, a consistency unmatched by other candidates.
He supplements these with regular Shorts and offbeat video essays, like 'The Sad Tale of Kim Duk-soo and Han Moon-soo,' a tongue-in-cheek political parable. His channel grew significantly during the conservative camp's failed unification talks. On May 4, the day after Kim Moon-soo was named the People Power Party candidate, Lee's channel gained 2,800 subscribers. Two days later, on May 6, it gained 7,900 — the largest daily bump since its launch.
In a country already famous for passionate politics, YouTube has become a converging ground for ardent followers — a space where they feed on a steady stream of content that reinforces their loyalty and worldview shaped by their chosen politicians.
The platform's appeal lies in how it humanizes candidates, allowing voters to see them not just as policy-driven contenders, but as real people with personalities. Voters aren't watching YouTube to be persuaded, Professor Park explains, but to judge whether candidates seem sincere, trustworthy, or relatable.
'YouTube strips away much of the distance typical in politics,' said Park. 'When candidates show their human side through videos or live interactions, voters connect with them in a way traditional campaigning can't achieve, especially with only weeks until election day.'
'Ultimately, YouTube isn't changing who voters support. Instead, it shapes how confident or conflicted they feel about their decisions.'
mjh@heraldcorp.com
Hashtags
Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles
Korea Herald
9 hours ago
- Korea Herald
Partisan feuds intensify ahead of contentious bills
- PPP's absence at Lee's inauguration Friday exposes persisting political division - Controversy over presidential pardon for high-profile liberal politicians drags on - DP-sponsored special counsel investigation into PPP sparks resistance South Korea's parliament is expected to vote for contentious bills later this week at the National Assembly's plenary session, which may add to escalating bipartisan strife over a recent presidential pardon and a probe targeting the main opposition party. This is the latest of several recent events contributing to Korea's political polarization, which has continued to deepen in the wake of former President Yoon Suk Yeol's botched martial law imposition in December 2024. The divide was especially noticeable when main opposition People Power Party figures did not attend President Lee Jae Myung's official inauguration ceremony Friday. The party has lambasted the presidential pardon of convicted liberal politicians, effective the same day, as well as the bills to be voted on this week. From as early as Thursday, the National Assembly is poised to process contentious bills put to the vote in the parliamentary session that terminated on Aug. 6. Earlier in August, the People Power Party hinted at filibustering five bills sponsored by the ruling Democratic Party of Korea. These included three bills to weaken an administration's power to organize the boardrooms of KBS, MBC and EBS, respectively; the so-called "Yellow Envelope" bill, which would ban companies from claiming damages incurred by labor unions' strikes; and a Commercial Act revision to enhance minority shareholders' rights to elect a corporate board director. Before Aug. 6, only one of the five, regarding boardroom organization of KBS, passed the parliament, and no plenary session has taken place since. The liberal-leaning parties at the National Assembly have enough seats, if combined, to end a filibuster 24 hours after initiated, meaning a filibuster provides little bargaining power to the People Power Party, which has only 107 lawmakers at the 298-member parliament. People Power Party spokesperson Kwon Dong-wook said in a statement Sunday that these bills sponsored by the liberal parties are "filled with ideological bias." Although Lee pledged to "move beyond old ideological divisions toward dialogue, compromise, and shared progress" in a Liberation Day address Friday morning, the political divide remained visible later that night. At the so-called "civic inauguration" ceremony, the main opposition party's leadership was absent, along with prominent conservatives such as former Presidents Lee Myung-bak and Park Geun-hye and Seoul Mayor Oh Se-hoon. The People Power Party lashed out at the ruling bloc for granting clemency to liberal-leaning politicians. Among them were Cho Kuk, former leader of the minor Rebuilding Korea Party, who was jailed for fabricating his siblings' academic credentials, and Youn Mee-hyang, a former liberal lawmaker who was handed down a suspended sentence for embezzling donations to "comfort women" victims as a former leader of a rights group supporting the victims. Also on Friday, Rep. Ahn Cheol-soo of the People Power Party was seen holding a placard denouncing the pardon of Cho and Youn during the Liberation Day ceremony. Rep. Bak Seung-a of the Democratic Party on Saturday described Ahn's action as a publicity stunt with a political purpose, given that Ahn is one of the candidates vying for the position of party chair. The People Power Party, in the meantime, is also bracing for a special counsel's renewed attempt to conduct a search operation at the party's headquarters in Seoul, as the special counsel seeks to obtain personal information of some 5 million party members. The first attempt, a surprise raid on Wednesday, followed speculations that religious sects, including the Unification Church, may have exerted influence on the party's elections by having religious members join the party. A senior official of the Unification Church, surnamed Yoon, is accused of involvement in the Yoon couple's alleged crimes of influence-peddling in a party election, in return for projects in Cambodia, which were in the church's interests. Wednesday's raid ended in a failure following a 15-hour standoff with party members. Following this, People Power Party chair candidate Kim Moon-soo said in the primary Friday that the special counsel's attempt to seize the list of all 5 million people affiliated with the party, "suppresses democracy" in South Korea.
Korea Herald
10 hours ago
- Korea Herald
In PPP leadership race, anti-Yoon unity emerges as late wild card
The main opposition People Power Party's leadership race has shaped into a fierce contest between the party's hard-line conservative wing aligned with former President Yoon Suk Yeol and those calling for a clean break. A potential unity bid among candidates who supported Yoon's impeachment has emerged as a last-minute twist, with some in the bloc signaling hopes of pushing the contest into a runoff, disrupting the current lead held by Yoon loyalists. With five days remaining until the party elects its new leader on Friday, candidates backed by Yoon loyalists are leading the race — most notably Kim Moon-soo. Kim, the party's presidential candidate in the June 3 election and a former labor minister under Yoon, emerged as a key figure among staunch Yoon supporters late last year, when he publicly refused to apologize at the National Assembly for Yoon's controversial martial law declaration made on Dec. 3, 2024. Since then, Kim has consistently presented himself as a defender of Yoon's legacy, cultivating strong support from the party's traditional base. Trailing behind Kim is Rep. Jang Dong-hyeok, another pro-Yoon contender who has taken a similar line as Kim and aligned himself with far-right influencers. Both Kim and Jang are now regarded as standard-bearers of the party's pro-Yoon faction. According to a Gallup Korea poll released Thursday, Kim had 31 percent support among People Power Party members and unaffiliated respondents, while Reps. Ahn Cheol-soo and Jang each clung to 14 percent. Rep. Cho Kyoung-tae followed with 8 percent. The survey was conducted from Monday to Wednesday, reflecting the party's main race formula of 80 percent party electorate and 20 percent general voters. In a separate survey conducted by Media Tomato from Sunday to Monday, Kim led with 37.8 percent among the People Power Party base, followed closely by Jang at 35.1 percent. Ahn and Cho posted 8.8 percent and 8.6 percent, respectively. Despite the pro-Yoon bloc's lead, the race remains fluid. If Ahn and Cho — representing the anti-Yoon reformist camp — were to merge their bids, they could potentially surpass the front-runners in a runoff. Under party rules, if no candidate secures a majority in the first round, the top two will proceed to a final vote scheduled for Aug. 26. Ahn has largely positioned himself as a moderate reformer, sharply criticizing the party's growing tolerance of extremist far-right voices rooted in Yoon's inner circle — including with those spreading conspiracy theories about recent elections — most of whom, he argues, are Yoon supporters who have undermined the conservative bloc's identity. More recently, Ahn denounced the party Ethics Committee's decision to issue only a warning to Jeon Han-gil, a celebrity history lecturer-turned-prominent right-wing commentator who disrupted recent party rallies and labeled anti-Yoon members as "traitors." Ahn stopped short of rejecting conservatism itself, but has called for a clear separation from figures closely tied to Yoon. Cho, meanwhile, has centered his campaign on restoring the party's identity as a "rational conservative force." He has repeatedly called for Ahn to join forces under a single candidacy, regardless of who ultimately leads. Ahn has remained silent on the proposal. Calls for a merger are increasingly gaining traction within the anti-Yoon bloc. Former People Power Party Chair Han Dong-hoon and Rep. Yoon Hee-sook, who led the party's reform committee aimed at restoring public trust by distancing the party from Yoon's influence, have both publicly supported the idea of uniting what they call "common-sense candidates." "Only through unity and sacrifice among reasonable figures can we rekindle hope," Han wrote on Facebook on Saturday. In the meantime, Kim Moon-soo is continuing to rally support from the conservative base. Since Tuesday, when the special counsel investigating Yoon's wife, Kim Keon Hee, attempted to seize party membership data from People Power Party headquarters, Kim has been staging a sit-in protest in the lobby, vowing to protect the list "at the cost of my life." The protest is expected to continue until the warrant expires after a week, this coming Tuesday. Jang has taken a similar approach. On Wednesday and Friday, he held solo rallies in front of the Seoul Central District Court, calling the same probe "a politically weaponized investigation" and stressing the need to defend the party against attacks from the liberal ruling bloc.
Korea Herald
12 hours ago
- Korea Herald
Korea rethinks breach of trust, its most serious corporate crime
Critics say vague rules, tough sentences chill investment, while others warn full repeal could enable abuse South Korea's criminal punishment for breach of trust is back in focus after lawmakers broadened directors' fiduciary duty beyond the company to include shareholders. The change, part of a Commercial Act amendment passed in July, has fueled concerns in the business community that it could open the door to excessive liability and criminal charges over disputed management decisions. In response, President Lee Jae Myung launched a task force on 'Rationalizing Economic Criminal Penalties,' with revision of breach of trust at the top of its agenda. 'A business misstep in Korea can land you in prison, and that chills investment,' Lee said. 'We must ask whether layering criminal sanctions, on top of economic and financial penalties, for breach of trust aligns with global norms.' Against global norms? Breach of trust applies when executives or employees violate their duty of good faith for personal gain or cause losses, and Korea is among the few countries to treat it as a crime with some of the toughest penalties. Korea regulates breach of trust under three statutes. The Criminal Act covers general and occupational cases, while the Commercial Act adds 'special breach of trust,' punishable by up to 10 years in prison or a 30 million won (about $22 million) fine. For cases exceeding 5 billion won, the Act on the Aggravated Punishment of Specific Economic Crimes mandates at least five years in prison — the same minimum as for murder. Japan, Germany and France also criminalize breach of trust but apply it far more narrowly. Germany shields executives under a 'business judgment rule,' while Japan and France limit liability to cases with clear intent or misappropriation. The UK and US have no equivalent statute; instead, they rely on fraud or embezzlement laws, with civil courts settling most disputes. 'In Korea, even the owner of a one-person company can face criminal charges for using a corporate card on personal expenses,' said Kim Woo-jin, a business professor at Seoul National University. 'In the US, the same act would be neither a crime nor a civil case since you cannot sue yourself. Serious breaches should be punished, but much of this belongs in civil law. Korea treats it too harshly as a crime, with prosecutors wielding disproportionate power.' Korea's statute leaves 'act in violation of duty' undefined and applies broadly to any property benefit, subjecting even good-faith decisions that result in losses to scrutiny. Moreover, anyone can file a complaint, making annual cases top 2,000. Yet, roughly about one in 10 indictments results in a conviction, fueling criticism that prosecutors overreach, particularly against conglomerates. Samsung Electronics Chairman Lee Jae-yong was cleared in February over a 2015 merger, ending a decade-long case. Hanwha's Kim Seung-youn, CJ's Lee Jay-hyun and former KT chief Lee Suk-chae have also had charges dropped or sentences reduced after courts could not prove them guilty. Justice Minister Jung Sung-ho recently warned against prosecutorial overreach. 'Prosecutors have been criticized for fostering risk aversion by applying hindsight judgments to strategic decisions,' he said in his July inaugural speech. 'Such caution risks weakening management and slowing decision-making.' Even Lee Bok-hyun, former Financial Supervisory Service chief who once pursued high-profile breach-of-trust cases as a prosecutor, has argued the law "unjustly exposes all boardroom choices to criminal liability," a regime found nowhere else, he emphasized. "Management decisions to be resolved in the boardroom, not the courtroom," he said. Abolishment too premature At the time, Lee, the former FSS chief, argued the law could be repealed if directors' fiduciary duty were extended to shareholders, a change enacted in July. The amendment reignited calls within the corporate sector for scrapping breach of trust altogether. Yet while many agree the law needs significant reform, some remain cautious, warning full repeal is risky in Korea's conglomerate-dominated corporate environment, where large-scale abuses — especially self-dealing or third-party favoritism — could go unchecked. 'Many breach-of-trust cases arise from asset transfers between affiliates,' said lawyer Cheon Joon-bum, vice chair of the Korean Corporate Governance Forum. 'It's often difficult to determine whether such capital shifts were made in good faith for both the investing and receiving firms. In many instances, one company bears losses to support another, leaving unrelated stakeholders exposed.' Professor Kim also warned that abolition is premature, noting it could leave controlling shareholders' unfair decisions against minorities unchecked, even when losses are not immediate. Cheon went further, arguing that the problem lies in execution. 'Only about 10 percent of indicted cases end in conviction, not because there was no wrongdoing, but because prosecutors couldn't prove it,' he said. 'In the US, cases that can't be proven wouldn't even begin. Here, they drag on for years, only to end in acquittal. That's a loss not only for genuinely innocent companies, but for the credibility of the judicial system.' Experts point to the "business judgment rule,' used in Germany and the US, as a way forward. 'The key is ensuring fairness for all stakeholders. The rule shields directors when decisions affect all shareholders equally, even if the company incurs losses,' said Cheon. The government and ruling party are moving to embed the rule in the Criminal Act, with Democratic Party of Korea lawmaker Kim Tae-nyeon already tabling a related bill. Yet Korea's breach-of-trust law is especially difficult to enforce because regulators, not boards, must prove misconduct. 'Regulators, as outsiders, struggle to obtain the documents needed to challenge management decisions. That burden makes it difficult to hold executives accountable and leaves most questionable transactions unpunished,' Cheon said. He stressed that easing criminal penalties must go hand in hand with stronger civil remedies. In the US, boards bear the burden of proving a deal's fairness in civil suits; in Korea, regulators shoulder it. Experts emphasize that legal reform alone will not suffice. 'Korea needs not only statutory change but also clearer internal procedures to prevent shareholder losses,' said Cheon. He pointed to Germany's "Konzern" system, which obligates corporate groups to safeguard minority shareholders in affiliate transactions before proceeding. Professor Kim added that Korea's recently expanded fiduciary duty to shareholders will remain hollow without a more active litigation culture. 'In the US and Europe, shareholder suits serve as routine checks on management. A comparable level of shareholder-driven litigation must take root in Korea as a precondition for easing breach-of-trust laws," said Kim. The government plans to unveil by year-end a reform package to 'rationalize' economic criminal penalties, including breach of trust. Urgent measures will be submitted to the National Assembly in September, with additional proposals finalized by year-end and aimed for passage in the first half of 2026.
