
Is academic freedom a made-up concept?
The nature of education and how it shapes society can be examined in a variety of contexts, from the fictional kingdom of the Diamond King to real-life Donald Trump's America. Given that Columbia, an Ivy League university, surrendered its academic freedom, and Harvard, the oldest and richest American university, has chosen to legally defend it, one would wonder what academic freedom is and what its scopes and limitations are.
When then President Pranab Mukherjee spoke at the 'International Buddhist Conference' in Nalanda in 2017, he invoked Nalanda and Taxila, the ancient universities, to pitch for an atmosphere free from prejudice, anger, violence, and doctrines. 'It must be conducive to free flow intellectual persuasions,' he stated.
A difficult path
However, it's not so easy, always. Scholars who disagreed with church theology or behaved in ways the church deemed unacceptable risked persecution in medieval Europe. Then, philosopher Wilhelm von Humboldt created a new university in Berlin in the early 19th century. The fundamental principles of academic freedom – freedom of scientific inquiry and the unification of research and teaching – were institutionalised in and diffused to other countries by the Humboldtian model of higher education. Today's seemingly made-up concept of academic freedom can be summed up as follows: students have the right to learn in an academic environment free from outside interference, and teachers have the right to instruct. The right of teachers to engage in social and political critique is another definition, though. In a 2022 paper published in the Houston Law Review, Yale Law School professor Keith E. Whittington stated that universities committed to truth-seeking and the advancement and dissemination of human knowledge essentially require 'robust protections for academic freedom for scholars and instructors.'
Definition of freedoms
At the UNESCO-organised International Conference in Nice in 1950, the Universities of the World pledged for 'the right to pursue knowledge for its own sake and to follow wherever the search for truth may lead.' Academic freedom was then defined as 'the freedom to conduct research, teach, speak, and publish, subject to the norms and standards of scholarly inquiry, without interference or penalty, wherever the search for truth and understanding may lead' at the first annual Global Colloquium of University Presidents held at Columbia University in 2005. But is defining and accomplishing academic freedom really that straightforward?
Tenure, promotions, pay hikes, research funding, and academic honours are all intimately correlated with research publications in the current academic environment. Thus, today's scholars are driven by the peer pressure of publishing. And the interest of funding agencies has a significant impact on academicians' research. Nowadays, universities are also concerned with their international rankings, which are largely based on research papers.
'Publish or perish' culture
How serious is today's 'publish or perish' culture? Quite a bit, indeed. One significant exception was 2013 Nobel laureate British physicist Peter Higgs, well known for the Higgs Boson. Higgs never published aggressively. He stated that he became 'an embarrassment to the department when they did research assessment exercises' and that he would have most likely been fired from his job at the University of Edinburgh if he had not been nominated for the Nobel Prize in 1980. However, he thought that because he would not be deemed 'productive' enough in today's academic system, no university would hire him. Thus, today's academic system doesn't even permit a future Nobel winner to peacefully conduct his own research without regularly generating research papers.
Nowadays, there's little scope for leeway in a pre-scheduled framework of university curriculum. Furthermore, as American biologist Jerry Coyne put it, a geology teacher who casually informs his students that the earth is flat is not exercising academic freedom but rather is failing in his duties. Compared to general freedom of speech, academic freedom of speech is more limited. For instance, a non-academic can criticise the effectiveness of vaccines, but they can only do it with academic freedom if they have the necessary academic credentials. Academic perspectives are frequently subject to peer review, in contrast to public speeches.
And, importantly, academic freedom may be as much as a country's politics and society at the time would have desired to offer academic institutions. For instance, several fields of research, including sociology and genetics, were outlawed as 'bourgeois pseudoscience' in the Soviet Union in the 1930s.
Checks and balances
What's the freedom of a flying kite, indeed? When a kite is flying high, it means that the person holding the spool has just let it soar. Without the monarchs' generous financing and allowing foreign scholars and students, would ancient Nalanda or Taxila have been able to exercise their academic freedom? What happens if that person believes the kite is behaving strangely? Of course, a democracy has checks and balances, such as the judiciary and periodic elections. Therefore, academic freedom and political interference in it are continually being redefined by changing sociopolitical dynamics.
Academic freedom certainly sets up a protective umbrella over scholars' activities; however, this protection is neither absolute nor guaranteed. As some powerful politicians still view universities as 'the enemy,' Hirak Rajar Deshe becomes a timeless doctrine that holds that education is more than just imparting knowledge; it's also about moulding souls, developing minds, and enabling people to think critically and behave morally. A university serves as a prism of enlightenment to the community it caters to.
However, efforts to define a framework for acceptable academic freedom and to ensure it continue.
(Atanu Biswas is Professor of Statistics, Indian Statistical Institute, Kolkata)
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Indian Express
24 minutes ago
- Indian Express
Ahead of Alaska summit, what US, Russia and Ukraine want
United States President Donald Trump will meet Russia's President Vladimir Putin on Friday in an attempt to find a way to end the war in Ukraine. At a time when Europe perceives an existential threat from Russia and the continent's ties with the US are being tested, and when Ukraine's future is at stake, neither the Europeans nor the Ukrainians will be present. In that sense, the Trump-Putin summit in Anchorage, Alaska, is reminiscent of Yalta 1945, when the leaders of the US, UK, and the Soviet Union met to decide the future of post-War Europe without Charles de Gaulle of France at the table. This will be the first in-person meeting between the leaders of the US and Russia since June 2021, when Putin met then President Joe Biden in Geneva. The meeting did not go well, and Russia invaded Ukraine eight months later. Putin will be the first Russian leader to visit Alaska, which was sold to the US in 1867 for $7.2 million. He last visited the US in 2015 to attend events at the United Nations. The meeting at Joint Base Elmendorf-Richardson will be Putin's first with Trump after he returned to the White House this January. The two leaders met in person on six occasions during Trump's first term (2017-21), the last meeting being the one on June 28, 2019 at the G20 leaders' summit in Osaka, Japan. Trump had famously promised to end the war in 24 hours. Within a month of his inauguration, the President spoke with Putin — with whom he had claimed to have a good relationship for years — over the phone for 90 minutes. On February 18, senior American and Russian officials met in Riyadh — the first in-person contact between Washington DC and Moscow since the invasion of Ukraine in February 2022. Ten days later, Trump and Vice President J D Vance berated Ukraine's President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in front of press cameras at the White House. At this time, Putin was seen to have a clear advantage. But in April, following negotiations led by Britain's Prime Minister Keir Starmer, Germany's Chancellor Friedrich Merz, and France's President Emmanuel Macron, Trump had a 'very productive' meeting with Zelenskyy at the Vatican. He then posted on social media that 'there was no reason for Putin to be shooting missiles into civilian areas'. In July, Trump told the BBC in an interview that he was 'disappointed in' Putin, even though he was not yet 'done with him'. Hours earlier, Trump had announced plans to send weapons to Ukraine, and had warned of strong tariffs action against Russia if there was no ceasefire deal in 50 days. The President subsequently moved up this timeline to 10 days, citing his disappointment with Putin. He complained that his 'nice' and 'respectful' conversations were followed by Russian missile attacks on civilians. On August 7, the day before the deadline, Trump said the ball was in Putin's court — 'It's gonna be up to him…Very disappointed.' This week, Trump sought to downplay expectations from the Alaska summit. 'This is really a feel-out meeting,' he said, predicting he would know 'probably in the first two minutes' whether a deal would be possible. But on Wednesday, after a virtual conference with Zelenskyy and European leaders which he rated at 'a 10' and 'very friendly', Trump threatened 'severe consequences' if Putin did not agree to a deal. Trump, with his fascination with stopping wars and conflicts, wants to show the world that he has delivered in Ukraine. He aspires for the Nobel Peace Prize, and likely suspects that he is being played by Putin. That frustrates him. For Putin, the meeting will be a victory from the moment he lands in Alaska. He has been declared an outcast by the West, and he will be on American soil at a time he has charges of war crimes against him. Recognition from the leader of the world's most powerful country is proof that efforts to isolate him have failed. Putin has aimed high — asking for not just all the Ukrainian territories that Russia currently occupies and a ban on Ukraine's entry into NATO, but also the removal of Zelenskyy. He will also be looking at an easing of the sanctions on Russia, which have affected its technology and defence industries. Russia's budget deficit is increasing, and its income from oil and gas exports is under pressure. Zelenskyy's immediate objective is a ceasefire, a stop to the attacks on Ukrainian cities and the killings of Ukrainians. But Kyiv has also stressed that for any talks to be even remotely substantive, the next stage must be about a durable peace that both sides will honour. 'We support what President Trump wanted — a ceasefire, and then sit down at the negotiating table and talk about everything else,' Zelenskyy told reporters this week. The other goal is NATO membership, and Russia, Zelenskyy has said, 'cannot have any right of veto on this matter'. Ukraine wants continued Western military assistance to strengthen and modernise its armed forces. Ukraine has also insisted that it will not give up any regions that are currently occupied by Russian forces. As Trump seeks to pile pressure on Russia, he has squeezed India with a 25% 'penalty' for buying Russian oil, in addition to 25% tariffs on Indian exports to the US. For Trump, India is the easiest target — the US has limited leverage with China, which buys the most energy from Russia. NATO chief Mark Rutte had earlier warned India, China, and Brazil that they could face severe economic penalties if they continued to do business with Russia. India and Brazil face 50% US tariffs, the highest in the world. India's National Security Advisor Ajit Doval met with Putin in the Kremlin last week, and the next day, Prime Minister Narendra Modi spoke with the Russian President. Three days later, Modi called up Zelenskyy. The outcome of the Alaska summit is of much consequence for India. New Delhi hopes that if Trump comes out feeling good with a 'win' in his mind, it could lead to a rethink of the 25% penalty. Hours after Trump announced the meeting with Putin, the Ministry of External Affairs (MEA) said, 'India welcomes the understanding reached between the United States and the Russian Federation'. 'This meeting holds the promise of bringing to an end the ongoing conflict in Ukraine and opening up the prospects for peace. As Prime Minister Narendra Modi has said on several occasions, 'this is not an era of war',' MEA spokesperson Randhir Jaiswal said. Besides hoping for the removal of the penalty for buying Russian oil, India would be keen to participate in the rebuilding of Ukraine, as the post-conflict future emerges. India will also be looking at how Beijing moves on the peace negotiations, and whether the US — after bringing the Ukraine war to an end — is able to refocus on the Indo-Pacific strategy to counter China.


Hans India
24 minutes ago
- Hans India
Trump targets India
For decades, India and the United States have shared a trajectory that felt increasingly like a strategic partnership. Shared democratic values, growing defence ties, mutual concerns over China, and booming trade painted a picture of an upward relationship. That is why President Donald Trump's aggressive targeting of India during his tenure, particularly through punitive tariffs and public criticism, raised eyebrows both in New Delhi and Washington. The easy explanation is Trump's mercurial style. The harder, and more accurate, explanation is that his stance was a calculated geopolitical play. I see at least five clear strategic reasons behind this approach, all deeply connected to his 'America First' doctrine, his transactional view of diplomacy, and the larger chessboard of global power. 1. Trade protectionism and the 'America first' doctrine: Trump was elected on a promise to bring jobs back to America. That meant dismantling trade arrangements he saw as unfair, whether with China, the EU, or even long-standing partners like India. His administration's trade team looked at numbers through a competitive lens. India's growing export footprint, particularly in pharmaceuticals, IT services, and textiles, was not lost on Trump's strategists. The US has long enjoyed a trade surplus with many nations, but India was one of the few developing countries running a significant surplus against America. In Trump's worldview, that surplus was America's loss. The withdrawal of India's preferential trade status under the Generalized System of Preferences (GSP) was not an impulsive act. It was a calculated signal that friendship did not guarantee special treatment. High tariffs on steel, aluminium, and even niche exports like hand-crafted jewellery or specialty agricultural products were meant to create discomfort in specific industries. The idea was to make political and business leaders in India push their government to open more of the Indian market to US companies. It was economic pressure designed to shift the negotiation table. Trump understood that in trade politics, perception matters as much as policy. He wanted the American voter to see a leader who would fight for them, even if it meant upsetting allies. That consistency in messaging made his stance on India entirely predictable, to those who understood his doctrine. 2. Containing a future economic challenger: While China was Trump's main target in the global economic rivalry, his advisors were not blind to India's trajectory. The Indian economy, with its youthful demographic and expanding domestic market, had the potential to emerge as another formidable Asian giant within two decades. Pre-emptively shaping that rise was part of a long-term calculation. History shows that the US often takes early steps to slow down competitors before they become too large to influence. This may take the form of trade barriers, sanctions, technology restrictions, or control over access to critical global markets. In Trump's calculus, acting now meant shaping the rules of engagement before India's economic clout matched its demographic weight. By exerting pressure, he was sending a message not just to India but to other emerging economies that the US would not hesitate to act against those who could someday challenge its economic primacy. In this sense, India was not an immediate threat, but it is a future possibility that needed to be managed. This approach also reflected Trump's preference for dealing with partners from a position of strength. By putting India on the defensive early, the US could extract concessions more easily, rather than waiting until India was as powerful a rival as China is today. 3. Strategic signalling to China: On the surface, pressuring India while confronting China might seem counterintuitive. Both Washington and New Delhi have strong strategic incentives to counter Chinese expansionism in the Indo-Pacific. Yet, Trump's approach to foreign policy was rarely linear. He often believed in unsettling the board to keep all players guessing. By targeting India economically, Trump demonstrated to Beijing that the US could turn its attention to any Asian power if it served American interests. This was regional signalling at its most deliberate. China would take note that even a US partner like India was not immune to pressure, which reinforced Trump's reputation for unpredictability. In the Indo-Pacific, perception often matters as much as action. By showing that the US could recalibrate relationships in unexpected ways, Trump added an element of uncertainty to China's strategic planning. If Beijing thought it could predict American behaviour based solely on alliances, this tactic disrupted that assumption. This kind of signalling also had a secondary purpose, reminding India that alignment with the US did not automatically guarantee immunity from American economic leverage. The subtext was clear: partnerships are conditional, and conditions can change quickly in a transactional framework. 4. The Pakistan factor and South Asian balancing: No analysis of Trump's India policy is complete without considering Pakistan. During Trump's presidency, Washington was deeply involved in negotiations with the Taliban to end the long-running war in Afghanistan. Pakistan's cooperation was indispensable in facilitating talks and influencing Taliban factions. Trump's public warmth toward Pakistan, including his earlier meetings with Prime Minister Imran Khan, more recently with Army Chief Asim Munir at the White House, were not sentimental; but a calculated carrot. The corresponding stick was applied to India, ensuring that the balance in South Asia did not tilt too heavily in New Delhi's favour. Historically, US–Pakistan relations have been marked by transactional exchanges - military aid, political backing, or strategic support in exchange for cooperation on specific issues. Trump applied this same logic. By keeping India under trade pressure, he maintained a level of parity in regional optics that made Pakistan feel its role was still valued. From Trump's perspective, keeping Islamabad engaged meant keeping the Taliban talks alive, which was a major foreign policy priority for his administration. For India, this dynamic was a reminder that US policy in South Asia is never solely about one bilateral relationship. 5. Bargaining leverage for strategic deals: Trump's diplomacy was built on leverage. To him, leverage often meant making the other side feel economic discomfort until they were more inclined to make concessions. India's large and growing economy made it an attractive target for this approach. The withdrawal of GSP benefits, the imposition of tariffs, and the public criticism were all part of a toolkit meant to push India toward agreement in other areas - defence purchases, energy imports, and greater market access for US firms. The logic was simple: if the cost of disagreement was high enough, India would be more open to negotiation. For instance, while raising tariffs, the US was simultaneously pressing India to buy more American oil and liquefied natural gas. Defence deals for fighter jets, drones, and helicopters were on the table. The US was also pushing for greater access to India's e-commerce and agricultural markets, sectors with enormous potential for American corporations. Trump treated these as interlinked discussions rather than isolated issues. Pressure in one domain was meant to yield advantage in another. The strategy was not unique to India, but its application to a democratic partner was unusual enough to draw global attention. Long-term implications: Trump's targeting of India created turbulence in the short term. New Delhi responded firmly by resisting tariffs, filing complaints with the WTO, and making it clear that strategic partnerships could not be leveraged purely through economic threats. Yet, beneath the public disagreements, the fundamentals of the US–India relationship remained steady. Defence cooperation continued, the Quad initiative gained momentum, and backchannel diplomacy ensured communication lines stayed open. In a way, Trump's pressure tested the resilience of the partnership. However, the episode carries a cautionary lesson. If the US treats India solely as a competitor to be contained rather than a partner to be cultivated, it risks encouraging New Delhi to diversify its strategic options. This could mean deeper engagement with Europe, a recalibrated relationship with Russia, or even selective cooperation with China on trade matters. India's takeaway should be clear, strategic autonomy is not optional. It is the foundation of sustained influence in a world where alliances shift rapidly. Economic diversification, resilient domestic manufacturing, and the capacity to stand firm in negotiations are non-negotiable priorities. The bigger Picture: Trump's punitive stance toward India is not a personal grudge or an emotional whim. It was a calculated extension of his worldview, one that is transactional, competitive, and unapologetically centred on American advantage. Every action, from the tariffs to the GSP withdrawal, fit into a broader pattern. His objectives are multi-layered, extract more from partners, contain potential challengers early, maintain leverage over rivals, and send strategic messages to adversaries. In Trump's eyes, the end goal was always the same: advance US interests without compromise. India, for its part, must read this as a case study in future-proofing its foreign policy. The US will remain a critical partner, but partnership does not mean protection from pressure. National interest, not sentiment, must be India's guiding principle. In the great game of global power, emotional narratives are short-lived. Strategy endures. Trump understood that well. India must, too. (The writer is the Chief Spokesperson of BJP, Chairman for Nation Building Foundation, and a Harvard Business School certified Strategist)


News18
an hour ago
- News18
US, China agree to 90-day tariff truce, easing trade tensions
Washington, DC [US], August 15 (ANI): The United States and China have agreed to extend their tariff truce for 90 days, CNN reported, citing an executive order signed by President Donald Trump. This move averts an immediate surge in duties that could have severely impacted trade between the world's two largest economies. Notably, the tariffs on Chinese goods would have skyrocketed to 54 per cent from 30 per cent, while Chinese tariffs on US exports would have jumped to 34 per cent from 10 per a joint statement with the US, China confirmed the 90-day trade truce extension and said it would maintain the 10 per cent tariffs it has imposed on American goods during that Joint statement follows bilateral negotiations held in Sweden last month, it said. The extension comes after Trump imposed a slew of 'reciprocal" tariffs on trading partners around the world, which have raised the United States' effective tariff rate to levels not seen since the Great Depression, as per to CNN, higher tariffs on Chinese goods, America's second-largest source of imports, would have almost certainly raised the costs many American businesses and consumers could pay — or already are paying — because of increased import taxes Trump has meeting in Sweden in July, Chinese negotiators went as far as to say that a deal was reached. Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent and US Trade Representative Jamieson Greer, both of whom attended the meeting, disputed that, saying nothing was final without Trump's word. 'We'll see what happens. They've been dealing quite nicely. The relationship is very good with President Xi and myself," Trump had said on Monday. A White House fact sheet on the extension said trade discussions with China have been 'constructive" and quoted Trump saying: 'We're getting along with China very well."At the conclusion of last month's meeting with Chinese trade officials, Bessent said he warned his Chinese counterparts that continuing to purchase Russian oil would bring about huge tariffs under legislation in Congress that allows Trump to impose levies up to 500 per cent. (ANI)