
Democrats are fighting fire with fire over redistricting – but will democracy burn?
After Texas Republicans unveiled a Donald Trump-fueled plan to pick up five additional US House seats last month, the California governor, Gavin Newsom, unveiled a plan on Thursday to throw out districts drawn by an independent commission and put in place new ones that would add five Democratic seats in response. Republicans are also expected to push ahead with plans to redraw maps in Ohio, Missouri, Florida and possibly Indiana, in their favor.
Each of those machinations could be enormously consequential in next year's midterm elections because Republicans only hold a three-seat majority in the US House of Representatives. Republicans hold the power to redraw more districts in their favor in a redistricting war.
'Gerrymandering is bad enough once a decade,' said Richard Pildes, a law professor at New York University. 'But if we open the door to continual efforts throughout the decade to squeeze out every additional seat based on changing calculations to the parties, it's very bad for voters who have enough trouble developing connections with their representatives and it's very bad for democracy more generally because it promotes cynicism about the process.'
While technological advances have made extreme partisan gerrymandering the norm for decades, rejiggering the lines in the middle of a decade is 'taking it to the next level', said Lee Drutman, a senior fellow in the political reform program at the New America thinktank.
'It makes elections seem pretty secondary to the machinations of legislators and courts, which is probably not the best for democratic legitimacy,' said Drutman, who supports democratic reforms such as proportional representation and multi-member House districts. 'It continues to undermine the idea that elections have any meaning.'
The US constitution requires lawmakers to redistrict at least once every 10 years, and if lawmakers gerrymander, they face the challenge of ensuring that their map can endure across an entire decade. That allows for a sliver of competition – even if gerrymandered districts lock in a partisan advantage at the beginning of a decade, shifting demographics and political trends might make a district more competitive over time.
Mid-decade redistricting takes that off the table.
'It presumably increases the potency for gerrymandering because you can do the gerrymandering based on very recent data and the map doesn't have to endure for as long,' said Nicholas Stephanopoulos, an election law professor at Harvard. 'The worst case isn't just a one-off mid-decade re-redistricting it's a continuous re-redistricting. Before every election, you check out which of your side's incumbents had a closer call than you wanted last time and you make their district three or five or seven points more Democratic or Republican.'
In recent years, Democrats have pushed to end extreme partisan gerrymandering, advancing efforts that require lawmakers to abide by certain fairness requirements when they draw district lines or give mapmaking power to independent commissions. The sweeping voting rights legislation that failed in the US Senate during the Biden administration would have required independent redistricting commissions in every state.
But even the most ardent champions of those reforms have called for Democrats to counter Republican-led gerrymandering with their own, coming around to the idea that while long-term reform is still a worthwhile goal, the immediate danger is too grave. 'We're doing something now that is responsive to what is going on with this White House,' the former US attorney general Eric Holder, who now leads the National Democratic Redistricting Committee, said during a Sunday interview on Meet the Press.
Common Cause, a watchdog group that has been one of the most prominent advocates for gerrymandering reform, announced on Tuesday that it would not stand in the way of retaliatory gerrymanders as long as they met certain fairness criteria.
Others have been more critical. 'If the only way to protect democracy is to undermine it – what exactly are you protecting?' Chuck Todd, the former host of NBC's Meet the Press wrote in his newsletter this month. Alex Lee, a Democrat in the California state assembly, offered a similar argument on X last month. 'Fundamentally gerrymandering UNDERMINES democracy. The right answer is to abolish politicians picking their own voters & drawing maps nationally for good. It is dangerous to kick off a race to the bottom w/ gerrymandering.'
Stephanopoulos said the current congressional map was essentially balanced between Democrats and Republicans in the aggregate. 'I'd rather have fair maps in every state aggregate into a fair US House. If we can't get that because the Congress won't require fair maps and neither will the supreme court, then the worst case, I think, is one side gerrymanders and the other side doesn't, and we get a highly distorted US House.
'That then means that the majority of Americans aren't represented by a majority of legislators, and Congress passes laws that don't reflect what the majority of Americans want and so offsetting gerrymanders at least prevents that worst-case outcome.'
The mid-decade redistricting battle may also only exacerbate another escalating problem in US politics – reducing competition in the US House districts, which has been steadily decreasing. Only 27 out of 435 districts – roughly 6% – were considered competitive in the 2024 midterms. Had the proposed map in Texas been in place during the 2024 elections, neither Donald Trump nor Kamala Harris would have carried a district by less than 10 points (Trump would have carried 30 and Harris eight).
'Ultimately it's not a sustainable solution for anybody. It's a mockery of democracy,' Drutman said. 'At some point I think people have to realize there are better ways to do elections.'
Hashtags

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles


The Independent
4 minutes ago
- The Independent
What's at stake when Zelensky meets Trump at the White House with Starmer and EU allies in tow
European leaders, including Sir Keir Starmer, will join Volodymyr Zelensky for a high-stakes meeting with Donald Trump at the White House on Monday. The prime minister will travel to Washington alongside several European leaders in a show of solidarity with the Ukrainian president, whose last visit to the Oval Office ended in a disastrous clash with Mr Trump. The summit comes just days after the US president met Vladimir Putin in Alaska, in which it is understood that the Russian president demanded that Ukraine cede the Donetsk and Luhansk regions as a condition for ending the war. Mr Trump is said to have privately endorsed the proposal, a move that Kyiv has strongly resisted. Ukraine's leader has warned that Russia 's refusal to halt hostilities before agreeing to a settlement would complicate any attempt at securing lasting peace. Speaking ahead of his trip, Mr Zelensky said: 'Stopping the killing is a key element of stopping the war.' Downing Street said Sir Keir and other leaders 'stand ready to support this next phase of talks' and will stress that their backing for Ukraine will continue 'as long as it takes.' Who is going to Washington? European leaders confirmed to be attending include: Sir Keir Starmer, UK prime minister Emmanuel Macron, French president Friedrich Merz, German Chancellor Alexander Stubb, President of Finland Ursula von der Leyen, President of the European Commission Mark Rutte, Nato Secretary General Giorgia Meloni, Italy's prime minister The Ukrainian president will travel with a strong backing after participating in a coalition call on Sunday afternoon, hosted by the UK, France, and Germany. The so-called 'coalition of the willing' aims to provide security guarantees, including policing any future peace deal with troops on the ground in Ukraine. What will be discussed on Monday? The talks are expected to cover territorial questions, including Russia's demand for Ukraine to cede Donetsk and Luhansk. They are also expected to address security guarantees for Ukraine, which could be backed by US air power. The role of Nato and European allies in enforcing a settlement is likely to be discussed, alongside sanction pressures on Russia. European leaders want to also ensure Ukraine is at the table for all negotiations. Speaking alongside Mr Zelensky in Brussels, Ms von der Leyen said: 'With regards to any territorial questions in Ukraine, our position is clear: international borders cannot be changed by force. 'These are decisions to be made by Ukraine and Ukraine alone, and these decisions cannot be taken without Ukraine at the table.' European powers also want to help set up a trilateral meeting between Mr Trump, Mr Putin and Mr Zelensky to make sure Ukraine has a seat at the table to shape its future. What are Russia's demands? At the Alaska summit, Mr Putin reportedly insisted Ukraine must surrender Donetsk and Luhansk in full, abandon its Nato aspirations and declare neutrality. He offered to freeze the front lines in Kherson and Zaporizhzhia, sources close to the meeting told The Independent. Around 88 per cent of the Donbas is under Russian control. This includes almost all of the Luhansk region and 75 per cent of the Donetsk region. Russia controls nearly 44,600 square miles or 19 per cent of Ukraine in total, including the Crimean peninsula, according to open-source maps of the battlefield. Mr Zelensky has rejected the idea of handing over territory, insisting talks must be based on current front lines and begin with a ceasefire. Mr Trump's special envoy Steve Witkoff said Mr Putin agreed to allow the US and its European allies to offer Ukraine a security guarantee at his meeting with the US president on Friday. 'We were able to win the following concession: That the United States could offer Article 5-like protection, which is one of the real reasons why Ukraine wants to be in Nato," Mr Witkoff told CNN. He added that it 'was the first time we had ever heard the Russians agree to that' and called them 'game-changing.' Article 5, at the heart of the 32-member military alliance, states that an armed attack against one or more of the members shall be considered an attack against all members. Sir Keir commended Mr Trump's commitment to providing security guarantees to Ukraine, following a meeting of the coalition of the willing on Sunday afternoon. What happened the last time Zelensky met Trump? Their previous Oval Office meeting in February ended in a dramatic confrontation. A planned mineral deal signing ceremony collapsed as Mr Trump and Vice President JD Vance accused Mr Zelensky of being 'ungrateful' and 'gambling with World War III'. Mr Zelensky pushed back, insisting there could be 'no compromises with a killer' – a reference to Mr Putin. The meeting was cut short, the joint press conference cancelled, and Mr Trump declared afterwards that Zelensky could 'come back when he is ready for peace', and temporarily suspended aid to Ukraine.


The Independent
4 minutes ago
- The Independent
Zelensky returns to Washington, this time with Europe at his side
It has to be a tribute to Volodymyr Zelensky 's resilience, as well as an acknowledgement of Donald Trump 's still-pivotal role as the would-be peacemaker, that he is prepared to risk another encounter at the White House. That meeting, six months ago, has gone down in the annals as one of the most disgraceful episodes in modern-day diplomacy, with a national leader humiliated in front of the cameras in a grilling that the US president said afterwards would make good television. Lessons have clearly been drawn from that dire encounter, not just by President Zelensky himself, and maybe President Trump, who mended fences at an informal tete-a-tete at the Vatican, but also by the Ukrainian's many European supporters. Joining Mr Zelensky in Washington will be the heads of the EU and Nato, and a clutch of European leaders, including Sir Keir Starmer. That all these highly placed individuals are prepared to meet, as they did in various configurations on Sunday, and travel at such short notice to Washington at the height of Europe's holiday season, shows how high the stakes are, as seen not just by Ukraine, but by Europe. And they are certainly a great deal higher than they were in February, given both the situation on the battlefield and what would appear to be the new level of understanding between Mr Trump and Russia's president, Vladimir Putin, following their summit in Alaska. Whatever format is applied to the meeting, or surely meetings, in Washington, there are lessons that it must be hoped Mr Zelensky has taken to heart, should he find himself again one-to-one with Trump in the Oval Office. They include using a translator – whether or not he thinks he needs one – and ignoring media questions before any talks have taken place. What he chooses to wear, on the other hand, should be for him to decide, not for the White House to dictate. In the end, though, the presence of so many high-level Europeans may be the best guarantee that Mr Zelensky is not treated as a lone leader of a peripheral state who can easily be imposed upon. And there are already intimations of a little more transatlantic flexibility on two key points. After Alaska, Mr Trump appeared to follow Putin's script for an actual end to the war, rather than an immediate ceasefire. The Europeans now appear to have followed, with the ceasefire demand now replaced by the longer-term, if more complex, aim of ending the war. It would also appear that security guarantees – a consistent requirement of Ukraine and slightly less consistent on the part of the Europeans – may be back on the agenda, although vague as to what form they might take and whether the US would underwrite them. With Nato membership for Ukraine one of Russia's reddest of red lines, this could help square that circle. The choreography in Washington alone will itself challenge complaints that the US and Russia were intent on cobbling together an agreement over the heads of Ukraine and Europe. This does not mean that the visitors should not be wary that Washington may listen and not hear. The Europeans must do their utmost not to make cracks show, and stick to what appears to be their simple and limited script. In particular, that means Ukraine's full participation in any peace process. There must also be no dilution of their stance on what the Trump White House is calling 'land swaps' and might more accurately be called territorial concessions. The European position appears to be that no borders may be changed by force, although the last word must rest with Ukraine, which is quite right. Mr Zelensky has at times hinted at a readiness at least to broach such a possibility, while at others – including at Sunday's joint press conference with Ursula von der Leyen in Brussels – insisting that sacrificing land would be out of the question as it would contravene Ukraine's constitution. In the end, though, the benefits for Ukraine of ending the war may have to be set against any territorial losses. Domestically, this will be one of Mr Zelensky's toughest calls. Internationally, there are diplomatic formulas that can cope with continuing territorial ambiguities. The emotive issue of Ukraine's abducted children must also be factored into any discussions. If it is true that the US first lady, Melania Trump, has taken up their cause, then their return may not be as remote a prospect as once seemed. Above all, the principle of 'nothing about Ukraine without Ukraine' is not just a slogan; it is an entirely practical requirement. There can be no peace that does not reflect the assent of Ukraine, as it will simply not endure. The torrent of recent developments has opened the question of whether, for all Moscow 's official intransigence, there is enough now in play, as between the US, Russia and Ukraine, for some modest progress towards peace. A very cautious 'Yes' may be the best answer that can be hoped for out of Washington on Monday.

The Independent
34 minutes ago
- The Independent
South Park's latest Donald Trump episode saw record viewing figures
The latest season of the animated show South Park is achieving record viewership figures, with its second episode drawing 6.2 million viewers. The second episode, which satirised Kristi Noem and ICE, became the highest-rated episode since 2018 and secured the biggest share in the series' history with 15.61 per cent of cable viewers. Kristi Noem was depicted repeatedly shooting dogs, a reference to her confession about killing her own puppy, and was also mocked for alleged plastic surgery. The show also featured Donald Trump and JD Vance, with Trump reportedly 'seething' over his portrayal in a relationship with Satan. Noem dismissed the cartoon as 'petty' and 'lazy', stating she had not seen the episode but criticised its focus on women's appearance.