'NO ENTRY': Tel Aviv Furious After Rare Dutch Ban On Israeli Ministers Smotrich & Ben-Gvir Over Gaza
/ Jul 30, 2025, 04:24AM IST
The Netherlands declared Israeli ministers Itamar Ben-Gvir and Bezalel Smotrich persona non grata, citing their calls for settler violence, ethnic cleansing, and illegal settlement expansion. The Dutch government also warned of broader European punitive measures over Israel's actions in Gaza, including exclusion from EU programs like Horizon Europe. Tensions escalated between Dutch Prime Minister Dick Schoof and Israeli President Isaac Herzog, as the Netherlands considered further national and EU-level responses to the worsening humanitarian crisis.
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Economic Times
21 minutes ago
- Economic Times
US' new tariff list: India at 25%, exports to get hit, competitors in lower band
Synopsis Effective August 7, 2025, the US has imposed a blanket 25% tariff on all Indian-origin goods, placing India among the most harshly treated nations in its new tariff regime. This measure, part of a new Executive Order, denies India product-level exemptions, even for critical sectors like pharmaceuticals and electronics. Agencies US' new tariff list New Delhi: In a move that could dent India's exports to US, Washington has imposed a blanket 25% tariff on all Indian-origin goods, effective August 7, measure, part of a new Executive Order issued by US President Donald Trump on July 31, places India among the most harshly treated countries in the new American tariff regime, offering no product-level exemptions even for sectors deemed critical like pharmaceuticals, energy, and Order mentions that tariffs may be reduced once countries do a deal with the per the order, countries have been subject to tariffs ranging from 10% to over 41% with differential rates based on geopolitical risk, economic alignment, and trade said the new order puts India at disadvantage to majority competitors including Pakistan, Vietnam, Bangladesh, Turkey where the tariffs are 15-20%. 'India's exports of petroleum products, smartphones, pharmaceuticals, engineering goods, electronics, and textiles will bear the brunt of the tariffs,' said a representative of an export promotion penalty threatened by Trump on India for doing business with Russia has not yet been US, Wednesday, announced 25% tariffs on India along with undisclosed penalty on trading with Russia.'The implications of the recent development are being examined by the government. The Ministry of Commerce and Industry is engaged with all stakeholders including exporters and industry for taking feedback of their assessment of the situation,' commerce and industry minister Piyush Goyal said in his statement in Parliament US was India's largest export destination in FY25 with shipments valued at $86.51 billion. But it accounted for less than a fifth of its total goods exports of $437.42 per the Order, unlike many other trading partners, India has been denied all product-level exemptions—even for products and sectors, the US exempted Goods from other tariff exempted categories include finished pharmaceutical drugs, APIsand other key drug inputs; energy products, critical minerals and a wide range of electronics and EU has been granted a special concession in which if the existing US most favoured nation (MFN) tariff on an EU product is below 15%, the total tariff will be increased to 15%. However, if the MFN tariff is already 15% or higher, then no additional duty will be charged.A 10% tariff applies to a few countries—Brazil, the UK, and the Falkland 15% tariff, which is the most common, covers 38 countries. Countries facing higher tariffs (25-30%) include India, Brunei, Kazakhstan, Moldova, and and Serbia at 35%, Switzerland at 39% (unusually high for a developed nation), Laos and Myanmar at 40%, and Syria at 41%, the US Customs Border Protection authority will realise a guidance clarifying on how this measure will be applied.
The Print
23 minutes ago
- The Print
Trump tariff forces India to shed illusion. Stop conflating status with power
Further compounding this threat is the ambiguity around secondary sanctions tied to India's oil imports from Russia. A punitive surcharge, conveyed repeatedly but not yet formalised, could be crippling. As we shall see, this issue is not merely economic — it strikes at the heart of India's strategic alignment. The newly announced tariffs by the Trump administration pose a direct threat to India's export competitiveness. Sectors such as electronics, smartphones, automobile parts, and gemstones will be hit hardest. Comparatively, Vietnam faces only 20 per cent tariffs, and economies like Indonesia enjoy relatively lighter penalties. While pharmaceutical products, semiconductors, and critical rare earths remain exempt for now, there is a growing uncertainty about India's continued access to these carve-outs, particularly as Trump intensifies his focus on bilateral trade 'wins.' India now faces what can be best described as the Trump pill — a bracing dose of transactional geopolitics and neo-mercantilist tariffs that upend the diplomatic comfort of the past decade. With sweeping 25 per cent tariffs targeting Indian exports, our longstanding belief in strategic autonomy and global goodwill is being challenged by the brutal arithmetic of trade imbalances and national interests. This isn't just a policy shift; it's a call to recalibrate how India positions itself economically and diplomatically in a world now shaped by profit-first diplomacy. The stakes for India are high. Without a trade deal with the United States, economic ramifications could be severe. Capital flows may dry up, leading to a weakening rupee. Stock markets are already reflecting investor nervousness, and early estimates suggest India's GDP could suffer a 0.2–0.5 per cent contraction. Unlike Brazil, which enjoys a trade surplus with the US, or China, which retains leverage through its monopoly over rare earth elements, India finds itself in a vulnerable middle. India has little immediate leverage in trade. Brazil, for example, enjoys strategic indulgence from Washington, thanks to US having a trade surplus with it. China, with its iron grip over rare earth supplies, forced the US to capitulate during past confrontations. Meanwhile, Trump has succeeded in strong-arming traditional allies. He finalised a trade agreement with the EU after imposing 25 per cent tariffs on select sectors and billions of dollars promised in investment. He has also coaxed Japan into signing a deal with 15 per cent tariffs and $550 billion in investments. Likewise, he has already finalised a deal with Indonesia and Vietnam, both with lesser tariffs than India's. With India, however, talks have hit roadblocks — both economic and geopolitical. The US' objections to India's protectionism in agriculture and dairy are longstanding. But the deeper threat comes from Washington's insistence on penalising Indian oil imports from Russia. Trump's sudden support for the Blumenthal-Graham bill, threatening secondary sanctions on nations buying discounted Russian crude, marks a shift. Initially dismissed due to Trump's own ambivalence toward Ukraine and open admiration for Vladimir Putin, the bill has reemerged as Trump pivots back toward Europe, leaving India exposed. From strategic sweetheart to bargaining chip India's rise on the global stage in the past decade owed much to its favorable geopolitical moment. As the Indo-Pacific became the centre of global strategic focus, India was cast as a vital counterweight to China. Western powers embraced New Delhi's role, drawn by its demographic strength, huge market, and democratic credentials. Prime Minister Narendra Modi's assertive leadership added to this perception, projecting a self-assured India that could balance friendships and autonomy. This moment reached its zenith during the Ukraine war. India walked a fine line — maintaining strategic ties with Russia by buying discounted crude, while presenting itself as indispensable to the West. With Europe quietly benefiting from Indian-refined Russian oil, India asserted its strategic autonomy with confidence. Critics were dismissed, and domestic media celebrated the country's ability to chart its own course. Yet the foundations of this narrative were shaky. India's much-vaunted Make in India and Production Linked Incentive (PLI) schemes failed to attract the level of foreign investment once expected. American Apple and Swedish Saab were exceptions, not the rule. Despite diplomatic fanfare, manufacturing remained sluggish. India continued to import heavily from China to sustain its exports to the West, undermining the very essence of supply chain resilience it hoped to project. Also read: Geopolitical forces beyond New Delhi's control are at play in Trump's approach to India The US rope has slackened India's comfort with the US came in part from the Biden administration's strategic long rope — granting India considerable leeway on Russia due to the overarching goal of countering China. Many in India, critical of the Biden administration's occasional rebukes on human rights and democracy, waited for Trump's return, expecting better and smoother alignment. After all, the Modi-Trump camaraderie, ideological proximity between the BJP and the American Right, and figures like JD Vance and Tulsi Gabbard, seemed to promise continuity. At first, these hopes appeared justified. Trump's flirtation with Russia and disdain for Ukraine were read as validation of India's balancing act. His praise for Putin and indifference to Europe's pleas bolstered Indian confidence that ties with Russia would remain acceptable to Washington. But then the tide turned. Trump pivoted toward Europe, resumed arms shipments to Ukraine, and repositioned himself as the West's unlikely saviour. India, once seen as a partner, became a laggard in aligning with Trump's new vision. Perhaps most jarring was Trump's dismissiveness toward Indian strategic concerns. His tone-deaf response to India's Operation Sindoor and flirtation with Pakistan — offering Islamabad a trade deal while brushing off India's — sent an uncomfortable message. Even duties on Pakistan imports have been slashed from 29 per cent to 19 per cent. For Trump, no friendship is immune to the lure of leverage. That he ignored India's history with cross-border terrorism and re-hyphenated India and Pakistan under the guise of repeated mediation claims was a rude awakening. Meanwhile, Trump managed to secure trade deals with nearly every major global economy: Europe, Japan, the UK, Mexico, Canada, Indonesia, South Korea, Vietnam. India, once seen as central to America's Indo-Pacific strategy, now finds itself isolated. Also read: Trump's tariff move undermines mutually beneficial India-US relationship, says Suresh Prabhu Realism over rhetoric The anger in New Delhi is understandable. But the time for rhetorical posturing is over. India must now seek a clear-eyed quid pro quo. First, India must shed a self-referential sentimentality and recognise that it lacks the immediate leverage others enjoy. China remains an unreliable neighbour, exploitative and opportunistic. Tactical rapprochement cannot substitute for structural mistrust. India's opening to China must be measured, lest it be exploited to Beijing's advantage. Second, we must accept hard truths about our own vulnerabilities. Agriculture and dairy sectors are resistant to reform not because of the US deep state, but because successive Indian governments have failed to modernise them. Red tape and a weak investment climate deter foreign capital more than any external factor. Third, India must reassess the costs and benefits of its Russian oil strategy. While the $40-50 billion revenue generated from refining and reselling crude is tempting, the potential long-term costs — in the form of investor flight and punitive tariffs — could outweigh short-term gains. That said, optics do mean a lot, if not all, in diplomacy, and a decision on Russian crude must be made with caution, not knee-jerk sentimentality. Resilience, not retaliation India's future lies in pragmatism. Protectionism must be phased out gradually, not in disruptive shocks. Strategic autonomy must not mean rigidity — it must evolve into an agile, resilient policy that adapts to changing global currents. We must also discard the notion that foreign policy is fueled by sentiment, friendships or nostalgia. Professional diplomacy demands clear cost-benefit analysis and the ability to compartmentalise accordingly. Trump's transactionalism may be vulgar, but it forces us to shed illusions. India cannot continue conflating status with power. Instead, it must create incentives and build resilience, accepting that just like us, others too work in their national interest. To preserve our economic aspirations, India must remain at the negotiation table with the US. Services remain our strength, even though they are not part of the current trade deal. And any deal should be designed to arrive at a point where this advantage can be leveraged. This may require short-term compromises, but it could prevent long-term economic marginalisation. India must tread cautiously. Alienating the world's largest economy now — just as global supply chains reconfigure and capital seeks new destinations — could undo years of economic progress and increase the risk of falling into the web of Beijing's designs, succumbing to junior partner status in southern Asia. The objective, therefore, is not to placate Trump, but to do the best it takes for India's national interest. The real challenge is not to resist every external pressure, but to align our domestic reforms with the demands of a changing world. In doing so, India can uphold its sovereignty, protect its interests, and continue to rise — not as a victim of global shifts, but as a deft navigator of them. Swasti Rao is a Consulting Editor (International and Strategic Affairs) at ThePrint. She tweets @swasrao. Views are personal. (Edited by Aamaan Alam Khan)
News18
an hour ago
- News18
Statehood remains distant dream for Palestinians as nightmare unfolds in Gaza
Ottawa, Aug 1 (AP) Plans announced by France, the United Kingdom and Canada to recognise a Palestinian state won't bring one about anytime soon, though they could further isolate Israel and strengthen the Palestinians' negotiating position over the long term. The problem for the Palestinians is that there may not be a long term. Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu rejects Palestinian statehood and has vowed to maintain open-ended control over annexed east Jerusalem, the occupied West Bank and the war-ravaged Gaza Strip — territories Israel seized in the 1967 war that the Palestinians want for their state. Israeli leaders favour the outright annexation of much of the West Bank, where Israel has already built well over 100 settlements housing over 500,000 Jewish settlers. Israel's offensive in Gaza has reduced most of it to a smoldering wasteland and is pushing it toward famine, and Israel says it is pressing ahead with plans to relocate much of its population of some 2 million to other countries. The United States, the only country with any real leverage over Israel, has taken its side. Critics say these countries could do much more Palestinians have welcomed international support for their decades-long quest for statehood but say there are more urgent measures Western countries could take if they wanted to pressure Israel. 'It looks more like a way for these countries to appear to be doing something," he said. Fathi Nimer, a policy fellow at Al-Shabaka, a Palestinian think tank, says they could have suspended trade agreements with Israel, imposed arms embargoes or other sanctions. 'There is a wide tool set at the disposal of these countries, but there is no political will to use it," he said. It's not a completely empty gesture Most countries in the world recognised Palestinian statehood decades ago, but Britain and France would be the third and fourth permanent members of the UN Security Council to do so, leaving the US as the only holdout. 'We're talking about major countries and major Israeli allies," said Alon Pinkas, an Israeli political analyst and former consul general in New York. 'They're isolating the US and they're leaving Israel dependent — not on the US, but on the whims and erratic behavior of one person, Trump." Recognition could also strengthen moves to prevent annexation, said Hugh Lovatt, an expert on the conflict at the European Council on Foreign Relations. The challenge, he said, 'is for those recognising countries to match their recognition with other steps, practical steps." It could also prove significant if Israel and the Palestinians ever resume the long-dormant peace process, which ground to a halt after Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu returned to office in 2009. 'If and when some kind of negotiations do resume, probably not in the immediate future, but at some point, it puts Palestine on much more equal footing," said Julie Norman, a professor of Middle East politics at University College London. 'It has statehood as a starting point for those negotiations, rather than a certainly-not-assured endpoint." Israel calls it a reward for violence Israel's government and most of its political class were opposed to Palestinian statehood long before Hamas' Oct 7, 2023, attack triggered the war. Netanyahu says creating a Palestinian state would reward Hamas and eventually lead to an even larger Hamas-run state on Israel's borders. Hamas leaders have at times suggested they would accept a state on the 1967 borders but the group remains formally committed to Israel's destruction. Western countries envision a future Palestinian state that would be democratic but also led by political rivals of Hamas who accept Israel and help it suppress the militant group, which won parliamentary elections in 2006 and seized power in Gaza the following year. Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas, whose authority administers parts of the occupied West Bank, supports a two-state solution and cooperates with Israel on security matters. He has made a series of concessions in recent months, including announcing the end to the Palestinian Authority's practice of providing stipends to the families of prisoners held by Israel and slain militants. Such measures, along with the security coordination, have made it deeply unpopular with Palestinians, and have yet to earn it any favours from Israel or the Trump administration. Israel says Abbas is not sincerely committed to peace and accuses him of tolerating incitement and militancy. Lovatt says there is much to criticise about the PA, but that 'often the failings of the Palestinian leadership are exaggerated in a way to relieve Israel of its own obligations". The tide may be turning, but not fast enough If you had told Palestinians in September 2023 that major countries were on the verge of recognising a state, that the UN's highest court had ordered Israel to end the occupation, that the International Criminal Court had ordered Netanyahu's arrest, and that prominent voices from across the US political spectrum were furious with Israel, they might have thought their dream of statehood was at hand. But those developments pale in comparison to the ongoing war in Gaza and smaller but similarly destructive military offensives in the West Bank. Israel's military victories over Iran and its allies have left it the dominant and nearly unchallenged military power in the region, and Trump is the strongest supporter it has ever had in the White House. 'This (Israeli) government is not going to change policy," Pinkas said. 'The recognition issue, the ending of the war, humanitarian aid — that's all going to have to wait for another government." (AP) SCY SCY (This story has not been edited by News18 staff and is published from a syndicated news agency feed - PTI) view comments First Published: August 01, 2025, 12:00 IST News agency-feeds Statehood remains distant dream for Palestinians as nightmare unfolds in Gaza Disclaimer: Comments reflect users' views, not News18's. Please keep discussions respectful and constructive. Abusive, defamatory, or illegal comments will be removed. News18 may disable any comment at its discretion. By posting, you agree to our Terms of Use and Privacy Policy.
