
Why Craig Murray is lobbying UN ambassadors Scottish independence
Murray's career as a diplomat culminated with a posting to Uzbekistan as the British ambassador, a post from which he was sacked after raising concerns about human rights abuses in the country.
He is now flexing his diplomatic muscles as part of the campaign group Liberation Scotland's attempts to have the UN recognise Scotland as a 'colony', which would put it on course for gaining independence in the same manner as did countries such as Ghana, Cameroon and Somalia.
During his visit in June, Murray made an intervention on behalf of the Kanak people of New Caledonia.
He told The National that this was because Liberation Scotland supports 'the freedom of other colonies' but admits an ulterior motive.
It was 'to show that I understand the legal structures and the legal arguments' around decolonisation, and to demonstrate that the group is 'not disruptive' as it may otherwise be characterised, said Murray. It was a demonstration that the group are approaching the committee sincerely and in good faith.
The former diplomat, now an activist, blogger and sometime political candidate, said that networking was fundamental to the trip and met with high-profile activist lawyersMargaret Ratner Kunstler and Dan Kovalik.
READ MORE: Top historian of nationalism weighs in on bid to 'decolonise' Scotland
His initial pitch to the UN ambassadors with whom he spoke – many will represent countries colonised with the help of Scottish soldiers - was to ask whether they considered Ireland a colony.
'Everyone does, that's a perfectly accepted idea,' said Murray.
'And then explain to them that Scotland's a colony in the same way, we're actually extremely similar cases and that all the things that are said against Scotland being a colony, like the fact that we had a Treaty of Union, the fact that Scottish people used to serve in imperialist forces or benefitted from the slave trade, all of those things are also true in Ireland and that doesn't stop Ireland from having been a colony.'
Murray said that despite the baggage of history, his arguments for Scottish independence were met with 'warmth' from those he lobbied.
(Image: Getty Images)
'That does bring an initial willingness to listen, which is very important,' he added.
By the same token, said Murray, there is a historic and growing anger at the UK in UN circles, especially given Keir Starmer's assault on the aid budget to fund military spending and the perception of Britain as 'one of Israel's closest allies' during the genocide in Gaza.
'People are receptive to breaking up the UK, because they don't like the UK,' he added.
June's trip was marked down by Murray as a success and he said that he would reconnect with people he met when he returns to New York in September for the General Assembly. He and a team potentially numbering dozens of others are due in Geneva in the autumn for further UN lobbying.
But he concedes that the battle is likely to be a long one and it is 'in no sense a substitute for campaigning at home'.
'We've made a good start, it will take a couple of years and success is not guaranteed,' Murray said. 'But it's a lot easier, it's a lot more realistic than getting Keir Starmer to agree to a referendum.'
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Economist
27 minutes ago
- Economist
The long-term effects of hunger in Gaza
FOR two weeks, the world has claimed it is working to end the widespread hunger in Gaza. The UN is pleading with Israel to allow more lorries of aid into the territory. Arab and Western states are airdropping food. On August 5th Donald Trump said America would take a larger role in distributing aid, though he was vague about the details. 'I know Israel is going to help us with that in terms of distribution, and also money,' he said. Yet on the ground, Gazans say little has changed. There is not enough food entering Gaza, nor is there law and order to allow its distribution. Airdrops are hard to reach. Convoys are looted soon after they cross the border. Finding food often requires making a risky trip to an aid centre, where hundreds of Palestinians have been killed in recent months, or paying exorbitant sums on the black market. This is a calamity in its own right, one that will have long-term consequences for many Gazans, particularly children. But it is also a glimpse of Gaza's future. Even after the war ends, it will remain at the mercy of others for years to come. Wedged between Israel and Egypt, the tiny territory was never self-sufficient. Its neighbours imposed an embargo after Hamas, a militant group, took power in 2007. The economy withered. Half of the workforce in the strip was unemployed and more than 60% of the population relied on some form of foreign aid to survive. The UN doled out cash assistance, ran a network of clinics that offered 3.5m consultations a year and operated schools that educated some 300,000 children. Still, Gaza could meet at least some basic needs by itself. Two-fifths of its territory was farmland that supplied enough dairy, poultry, eggs and fruits and vegetables to meet most local demand. Small factories produced everything from packaged food to furniture. The Hamas-run government was inept, but it provided law and order. After nearly two years of war, almost none of that remains. The UN's World Food Programme (WFP) says that Gaza's 2m people need 62,000 tonnes of food a month. That is a bare-bones calculation: it would provide enough staple foods but no meat, fruits and vegetables or other perishables. By its own tally, Israel has allowed far less in. It imposed a total siege on the territory from March 2nd until May 19th, with no food permitted to enter. Then Israel allowed the UN to resume limited aid deliveries to northern Gaza. It also helped establish the Gaza Humanitarian Foundation (GHF), a shadowy outfit that distributes food at four points in southern and central Gaza. In more than two months of operation, it has handed out less than 0.7 meals per Gazan per day—and that assumes each box of aid, stocked with a hotch-potch of dried and canned goods, really provides as many meals as the GHF claims it does. All told, Israel permitted 98,674 tonnes of food aid to cross the border in the five months through July, an average of 19,734 tonnes a month—just 32% of what the WFP says is necessary. Although the volume of aid has increased in recent days, it is still insufficient. 'We're trying to get 80 to 100 trucks in, every single day,' says Valerie Guarnieri of the WFP. 'It's not a high bar, but a realistic bar of what we can achieve.' On August 4th, though, Israel allowed only 41 of the agency's lorries to enter a staging area on the Gaza border, and it let drivers collect just 29 of them. Getting into Gaza is only the first challenge. Distribution is a nightmare. Since May 19th the UN has collected 2,604 lorryloads of aid from Gaza's borders. Just 300 reached their intended destination. The rest were intercepted en route, either by desperate civilians or by armed men. Aid workers are nonchalant about civilians raiding aid lorries, which they euphemistically call 'self-distribution': they reckon the food still reaches people who need it. 'There's a real crescendo of desperation,' says Ms Guarnieri. 'People have no confidence food is going to come the next day.' But the roaring black market suggests that much of it is stolen. Gaza's chamber of commerce publishes a regular survey of food prices (see chart). A 25kg sack of flour, which cost 35 shekels ($10) before the war, went for 625 shekels on August 5th. A kilo of tomatoes fetched 100 shekels, 50 times its pre-war value. Such prices are far beyond the reach of most Gazans. Those with a bit of money often haggle for tiny quantities: a shopper might bring home a single potato for his family, for example. Israel's ostensible goal in throttling the supply of aid was to prevent Hamas from pilfering any of it. Earlier this month the group released a propaganda video of Evyatar David, an Israeli hostage still held in Gaza. He was emaciated, and spent much of the video recounting how little he had to eat: a few lentils or beans one day, nothing the next. At one point a militant handed Mr David a can of beans from behind the camera. Many viewers noted that the captor's hand looked rather chubby. As much of Gaza starves, Hamas, it seems, is still managing to feed its fighters. The consequences of Israel's policy instead fall hardest on children—sometimes even before birth. 'One in three pregnancies are now high-risk. One in five babies that we've seen are born premature or underweight,' says Leila Baker of the UN's family-planning agency. Compare that with before the war, when 8% of Gazan babies were born underweight (at less than 2.5kg). There were 222 stillbirths between January and June, a ten-fold increase from levels seen before the war. The Integrated Food Security Phase Classification (IPC), a UN-backed outfit that tracks hunger, said last month that 20,000 children were hospitalised for acute malnutrition between April and mid-July. Even before they reach that point, their immune systems crumble. Moderately malnourished children catch infections far more easily than well-fed ones, and become more seriously ill when they do, rapidly losing body weight. The body takes a 'big hit' when food intake falls to just 70-80% of normal, says Marko Kerac, a paediatrician at the London School of Hygiene and Tropical Medicine who has treated children in famine-stricken places. Most children in Gaza are eating a lot less than that. In July the World Health Organisation reported an outbreak of Guillain-Barré syndrome, a rare autoimmune disease that may have links to hunger. Gaza's health ministry says cases are multiplying, including among children. Give us our daily bread Nor is calorie intake the only concern. Although flour and salt in Gaza are fortified with some vitamins and minerals, such as iodine, they are consumed in limited amounts—especially now, since many bakeries have been closed for months, owing to a lack of flour and fuel. In February, during the ceasefire, Israel allowed 15,000 tonnes of fruits and vegetables and 11,000 tonnes of meat and fish into Gaza. Since March it has allowed just 136 tonnes of meat. All of this means there is widespread deficiency of essential nutrients that help children's brains develop. Every child in Gaza, in other words, will remain at lifelong risk of poor health because of today's malnutrition. There is consistent evidence for this from studies of populations that have lived through famine: during the second world war, the 1960s famine in China and, more recently, places like Ethiopia. Children who have suffered acute malnourishment have higher rates of heart disease, diabetes and other chronic diseases as adults. They are also at risk of worse cognitive development. A flood of aid cannot undo the damage, but it can prevent it from getting worse. It will have to be sustained. The devastation wrought by Israel's war has left Gazans with no alternative but to rely on aid. In February the UN estimated that the war had caused $30bn in physical damage and $19bn in economic disruption, including lost labour, forgone income and increased costs. Reconstruction would require $53bn. At this point, that is little more than a guess. The real cost is impossible to calculate. But it will be enormous. The first task will be simply clearing the rubble. A UN assessment in April, based on satellite imagery, estimated that there were 53m tonnes of rubble strewn across Gaza—30 times as much debris as was removed from Manhattan after the September 11th attacks. Clearing it could be the work of decades. The seven-week war between Israel and Hamas in 2014, the longest and deadliest before the current one, produced 2.5m tonnes of debris. It took two years to remove. Rebuilding a productive economy will be no less difficult. Take agriculture. The UN's agriculture agency says that 80% of Gaza's farmland and 84% of its greenhouses have been damaged in the war. Livestock have been all but wiped out. A satellite assessment last summer found that 68% of Gaza's roads had been damaged (that figure is no doubt higher today). The two main north-south roads—one along the coast, the other farther inland—are both impassable in places. Even if farmers can start planting crops for small harvests after the war, it will be hard to bring their produce to market. The picture is equally bleak in other sectors: schools, hospitals and factories have all been largely reduced to rubble. The Geneva Conventions are clear that civilians have the right to flee a war zone. Exercising that right in Gaza is fraught: Palestinians have a well-grounded fear that Israel will never allow them to return. Powerful members of Binyamin Netanyahu's government do not hide their desire to ethnically cleanse the territory and rebuild the Jewish settlements dismantled in 2005. Still, the dire conditions have led some people to think the unthinkable: a survey conducted in May by a leading Palestinian pollster found that 43% of Gazans are willing to emigrate at the end of the war. Mr Netanyahu may not follow through on his talk of reoccupying Gaza, which he hinted at in media leaks earlier this month. His far-right allies may not fulfil their dream of rebuilding the Jewish settlements dismantled in 2005. In a sense, though, the ideologues in his cabinet have already achieved their goal. Israel's conduct of the war has left Gazans with a grim choice: leave the territory, or remain in a place rendered all but uninhabitable. ■

The National
29 minutes ago
- The National
Benjamin Netanyahu will not listen to Keir Starmer, says Anas Sarwar
The Scottish Labour leader was speaking at an Unspun event held by The Herald at the Edinburgh Fringe when he was asked if he believed the UK Prime Minister had 'done enough' to stop Israel's bombardment on Gaza. Although Sarwar failed to answer if he believed Starmer had done enough, he did say the Prime Minister had caused 'a lot of upset' following an interview on LBC in the wake of the October 7 attacks by Hamas, where he said Israel had the 'right to defend herself' by withholding power and water from Palestinian civilians. Sawar said that he believes cutting off food and water is a clear breach of international law and that Netanyahu is 'clearly in breach' of international law and agrees with the International Court of Justice that Israel is carrying out genocide in Gaza. READ MORE: BBC dismisses complaint after host calls Israel spokesperson 'propagandist' He added that Netanyahu is not a 'fair actor for peace' and is motivated more by 'staying in power and staying out of jail' rather than in the best interests of his people and the Middle East. When pressed if he thought that Starmer was doing enough to stop Netanyahu, Sarwar said he didn't believe the Israeli prime minister would listen to his UK counterpart. 'One is, I think there are probably more people that think they have influence to stop Benjamin Netanyahu, or even the UK has more influence in stopping Benjamin Netanyahu than we do,' Sarwar said. 'I don't think he [Netanyahu] will listen to the Prime Minister of the UK.' When asked if he thinks Starmer has no influence over the Israeli Prime Minister, Sarwar said, he believes the Labour leader has influence over the US president Donald Trump, who ultimately is the only person who could stop Netanyahu. 'I think Trump is ultimately the only one who can exert influence over Benjamin Netanyahu,' Sarwar said. When asked if he thought Starmer had enough influence on Trump, Sarwar didn't answer and said: 'Let's be honest, the globe has utterly failed the people of Palestine.' 'The world has failed. 'We often talk about the international community as if somehow there is a group of people out there that can automatically do something or resolve something. The international community, if any such thing exists, has clearly failed and that means we have a population that's been collectively punished. 'People are being literally starved to death and also it is looking like the peace process is further away than it has ever been.' Sarwar went on to say that although he believes the UK Government have made the right steps recently in saying that it would recognise the state of Palestine, Labour have to be doing 'much more to hold the Israeli government to account'. He also called on the Labour Government to do more to provide evidence that there is no 'hint' of components supplied by the UK that are being used by Israeli forces in Gaza. 'I think every single form of pressure that can be put on Benjamin Netanyahu has to be applied if we are to see a peaceful resolution. 'Palestinian statehood is welcomed. I want the state of Palestine to be recognised. 'My one frustration with the debate about Palestinian statehood. Palestinian statehood is not going to stop the war in itself. 'The most urgent pressing thing we need right now is for the war to stop. 'Bombs to stop dropping, bullets to stop firing, people to get the food and supplies, medicine they need, and a pathway to that piece of freedom.'


South Wales Guardian
30 minutes ago
- South Wales Guardian
US vice president JD Vance to stay with David Lammy as he holidays in Britain
Mr Vance and his family will begin their summer holiday this Friday with a stay at Chevening, the Foreign Secretary's Grade I-listed mansion in Kent, according to the Telegraph newspaper. The pair are said to have developed a warm friendship, bonding over their difficult childhoods and shared Christian faith. Mr Lammy is reported to have attended mass at the vice president's Washington residence during a visit in March, and now plans to repay the favour with the stay at his country home. The two are expected to hold a bilateral meeting before being joined by their families at Chevening. 'Lammy has visited Vance's family and the relationship looks like it will continue to grow on a personal as well as a professional basis,' a source told the Telegraph. The vice president and his family are also expected to visit Hampton Court Palace during their trip to the UK, the mainstay of which will be spent in the Cotswolds. Mr Vance's British holiday comes just weeks after Donald Trump travelled to Scotland, on a private visit his golf courses. There he also met with EU chief Ursula von der Leyen to agree a trade deal with the bloc, and with Prime Minister Sir Keir Starmer. Mr Trump will return to the UK for a full state visit in September. The Foreign Secretary's burgeoning relationship with Mr Vance represents a political change of heart, as he was once an outspoken critic of Mr Trump. Mr Lammy described the US president as a 'racist and KKK/neo-Nazi sympathiser' when Labour was in opposition, but since coming to power has brushed off his remarks as 'old news'. Asked about Mr Vance's visit to the UK, a Foreign Office spokesman said: 'Ministerial engagements will be announced in the usual way.'