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Is ISIL a growing threat in the DR Congo and East Africa?

Is ISIL a growing threat in the DR Congo and East Africa?

Al Jazeera6 days ago
In the early hours of Sunday, July 27, armed fighters attacked a Catholic church in the Komanda region of the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), where about a hundred people had gathered for a night vigil. Dozens of people were killed and others taken captive in the assault, which drew outrage and condemnation from the United Nations and the Vatican.
Women, men and at least nine children were reported to be among the victims of the Saint Anuarite church attack, according to Congolese officials, while several children aged between 12 and 14 were kidnapped. Houses and shops near the church were also attacked and burned, with authorities finding more bodies there. At least 43 people were killed overall.
The Allied Democratic Forces (ADF) – an armed group operating in the border regions linking the DRC to neighbouring Uganda, and which has pledged allegiance to ISIL (ISIS) – has since claimed the attack in a Telegram post.
It is one of several recent attacks from a group that experts say is staging a major resurgence in a country already fragile from armed fighting.
It also comes soon after the DRC government signed key peace roadmap agreements with both Rwanda and the M23 rebel group that has been advancing in the country's east, raising questions about the timing and motivation behind the violence.
'These targeted attacks against defenceless civilians, particularly in places of worship, are not only appalling, but also in violation of all human rights standards and international humanitarian law,' Vivian van de Perre, acting head of MONUSCO, the UN peacekeeping mission in the DRC, said in a statement following Sunday's assault.
Pope Leo, too, expressed sorrow a day after the attack on the parish, which had been celebrating its 25th anniversary. 'His Holiness implores God that the blood of these martyrs may be a seed of peace, reconciliation, brotherhood and love for all the Congolese people,' wrote Cardinal Pietro Parolin, secretary of state of the Holy See, in a telegram to DRC's Archbishop Fulgence Muteba Mugalu.
Making of the ADF
Sunday's attack represents just one of several deadly ADF assaults in the DRC's east in recent months.
The ADF, also referred to by some experts and institutions as ISIS-Central Africa (IS-CA), originally began as a rebel group in Uganda in 1994, where it accused the government in Kampala of persecuting Muslims.
In 2002, the ADF crossed the border into eastern DRC after offensives by the Ugandan army saw it lose its footing. The group attacked civilians in both countries from its base in the North Kivu and Ituri provinces, with researchers noting that its tactics became more violent over the years.
Jamil Mukulu, the group's founder, was arrested in Tanzania in 2015, leading to internal disruption. Under a new leader, 48-year-old Musa Seka Baluku, the ADF declared allegiance to the global armed network, ISIL, in 2019.
Although ISIL no longer has the ability to hold ground or control a caliphate in the Middle East, experts say it has devolved its structure, focusing on regional affiliates, particularly in parts of Africa. A UN Experts Group report found that ISIL central financially supports the ADF, whose force of about 1,000 to 1,500 members is usually armed with small arms, mortars, improvised explosive devices (IEDs), and rocket-propelled grenades (RPGs). The ADF reportedly controls camps with internal security services, clinics, prisons and schools for children.
'The group intends to advance extreme Islamic ideology,' Nico Minde, an analyst with the Institute for Security Studies, told Al Jazeera. 'It is [also] believed that it is seeking revenge for military offensives by the Congolese army, Ugandan forces and MONUSCO peacekeepers,' he said.
It is unclear how many civilians have died in ADF attacks, but experts agree it likely runs into the hundreds, if not thousands, in its nearly 30 years of existence. The United States, which designated ADF/IS-CA a 'terror' organisation in 2021, describes it as 'one of the most lethal terrorist groups in Africa' based on the number of civilian deaths linked to its members.
An earlier reprisal assault by the ADF between July 8 and 9 saw 41 civilians killed in Irumu territory, Ituri, according to MONUSCO. In May, it was North Kivu's Babili sector that was attacked, with 18 civilians killed. The group also claimed a separate attack in January on the town of Lubero in North Kivu, with 41 people killed and 11 kidnapped.
Multiple armed groups in the eastern DRC
The ADF is one of a multitude of armed groups – some experts say about 100 – operating in the mineral-rich but poorly governed eastern DRC. The region is one of the most complex conflict zones in the world.
ADF's attacks in July came as the DRC was enjoying some relief from the M23 rebels, arguably the strongest of all the armed groups. M23, the UN says, is backed by Rwanda. Aiming to take power in Kinshasa, it launched lightning offensives in January and seized vast swaths of territory in the eastern provinces of North and South Kivu. Thousands died and hundreds of thousands were displaced in the six-month war. In July, the US and Qatar brokered DRC peace efforts with Rwanda and M23, respectively, leading to a ceasefire.
Minde of the ISS said the ADF is likely taking advantage of the military resources diverted to confront M23, resulting in more frequent attacks since January.
'Strategically, this allows them to freely move in Ituri and North Kivu while attention remains fixed on the M23 conflict,' he said. The group's focus on rural communities, Minde added, was to foster fear and dependence, facilitate control over land and illicit resources, and to find more recruits.
Combined, M23 and the ADF have wrought the most havoc in eastern DRC, with some research suggesting that there might have been a non-aggression pact between the two at some point. The Armed Conflict and Location Event Data Project (ACLED) noted in a June report that M23 and ADF/IS-CA action between January and March 2025 killed 1,600 people, making that quarter the deadliest since 2002, when the DRC was in the throes of a civil war.
Uganda's stakes in the ADF battle
Uganda poses the main challenge to the ADF. Some 2,000-4,000 Ugandan soldiers have deployed in the DRC since November 2021, where they lead Operation Shujaa, which also involves the Congolese army and MONUSCO forces. Kampala's decision to deploy followed a series of bomb attacks in Uganda that year. Since 2021, two leaders of separate ADF factions – Salim Mohammed and Benjamin Kisokeranio – have been captured.
However, there are concerns that Uganda is expanding into territory not affected by ADF attacks. Due to the DRC's civil war history, which saw countries neighbouring Rwanda and Uganda take over Congolese territory and reportedly steal minerals, foreign armies on DRC soil remain a testy subject in Kinshasa.
In June, the Ugandan army spokesperson, Felix Kulayigye, defended his government's stance while speaking to Al Jazeera, admitting that the country needed to protect commercial interests in the DRC. Uganda exports goods like palm oil, cement, and refined petroleum to the DRC, and is Kinshasa's biggest trading partner in the sub-region.
'Who is consuming Uganda's products?' Kulayigye asked Al Jazeera at the time. 'Can commerce take place where there is instability? If we have commercial interests in eastern DRC, are those protectable or not?'
Already, Uganda has a negative reputation in the DRC. Kampala allegedly backed the M23 armed group by allowing the group passage into Congolese territory, according to a UN expert group report. President Yoweri Museveni and Rwanda's Paul Kagame are longtime allies. Back in 2022, the Ugandan army chief General Muhoozi Kainerugaba, who is also President Museveni's son, openly expressed support for M23 on the social media site, X.
The ADF's increasing attacks could lead to rising insecurity in the fragile DRC, and across the sub-region, Minde of ISS said.
'[ADF] might want to take advantage of the pacifist moment following the US and Qatar-brokered peace deal, to remind the world of its existence,' he added.
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Angola is oil rich. So why a fuel price hike that led to deadly protests?
Angola is oil rich. So why a fuel price hike that led to deadly protests?

Al Jazeera

time2 hours ago

  • Al Jazeera

Angola is oil rich. So why a fuel price hike that led to deadly protests?

Cape Town, South Africa – For Julio Candero, two moments stand out from the recent protests in Angola: the image of a woman being shot from behind by a policeman and the protest cry: 'Temos fome – 'We're hungry.'' Following days of demonstrations against the government's reduction in fuel subsidies, which included looting and burning tyres in the streets, calm has returned to the capital, Luanda, and other parts of the country where protests raged last week. However, amid the ruins of destroyed businesses and the presence of heavily armed police and the army, Candero believes this is only the beginning. This is the worst upheaval he has seen in Angola in decades, comparable with the aftermath of a 1977 coup and the violence that followed elections in 1992. Tens of thousands of Angolans died in both cases as the country suffered the grip of a civil war that started in 1975 and ended in 2002. This past month's death toll is a fraction of that, but the outrage that followed it is palpable. 'Luanda is slowly regaining its usual rhythm, but obviously, it is a different city. All over the city, you see signs of what happened these last days,' said Candero, who is the director of the Luanda-based rights group, Mosaiko. Thousands of people took to the streets of Africa's third-largest oil-producing country last Monday to protest against a government decision to cut fuel subsidies and increase the price of diesel by one-third from July 1. This followed a first round of protests on July 12 that was largely peaceful. According to the government, at least 22 people died last week in clashes between the police and protesters, and 197 others were injured. More than 1,200 people were arrested. The unrest was triggered by a three-day strike by minibus taxi associations to protest against the decision that the government says is part of essential budgetary containment measures. 'The people live in misery' Angola has been under increasing pressure from the International Monetary Fund (IMF) to tighten its budget since 2023, when it last cut fuel subsidies. President Joao Lourenco's government says fiscal restraint is necessary, as subsidies account for about 4 percent of gross domestic product (GDP) and debt exceeds 60 percent of GDP. Economic Coordination Minister Jose de Lima Massano said in April that last year's fuel subsidies of about $3bn equalled the budget for 1,400 infrastructure and development projects. Of those projects, 500 had to be suspended due to fiscal constraints. Analysts say part of the problem is Angola's heavy reliance on oil, which makes up about 60 percent of government revenue and 95 percent of exports. However, the country only produces about 30 percent of its domestic fuel consumption demand from its lone oil refinery, which dates to the colonial era. What's more, Angola based its 2025 budget on an oil price of $70 per barrel, but Brent oil futures fell below $60 in April after United States President Donald Trump announced a sharp increase in tariffs. Carlos Rosado de Carvalho, a professor of economics at the Catholic University of Angola, said the volatility of the oil market leaves Angola in a precarious position. 'It's a real problem, because the [fuel] subsidies cost annually about $3bn. This is more than the government spending on health and education together,' de Carvalho said, suggesting that the government's hand was forced. Nevertheless, he concedes that the timing of the new policy was far from ideal. It coincided with tariff increases in electricity and water bills of up to 50 percent and 30 percent, respectively. De Carvalho estimates that in July 2025, the minimum wage also only covered 66 percent of the basket of goods and services it did in 2017 – the year Lourenco came to power. At the same time, low wages and rising unemployment have left millions of Angolans facing poverty and hunger. 'This is where we must look for the causes of the popular uprisings that have marked Angola, especially Luanda,' he said. To make matters worse, government leaders failed to explain the motivation for the increases. Commercial oil production in Angola started in the mid-1950s. In 2024, the government said, it generated $31.4bn from oil exports; that revenue is more than ten times the amount spent on fuel subsidies. The government's critics say most of the country's 36 million people have yet to see the benefits of living in a country blessed with natural wealth. 'Ordinary Angolans are not benefitting from the country's natural resources wealth because of high levels of corruption,' Candero said. 'And, as you see in all rich natural resources countries in Africa, particularly where this exploitation is happening, the people live in misery.' He does not accept the justification that President Lourenco gave in an interview following the protests, that Angola's comparatively low fuel prices justify the reduction in subsidies. The government has also pointed out that the discounted prices have attracted illicit cross-border traders from neighbouring countries. Candero insists this is no justification for increasing fuel prices. He blames the status quo on decades of mismanagement by the ruling People's Movement for the Liberation of Angola (MPLA) party and believes there are other means of bringing public spending under control. 'If the government really wants to cut spending, it should start by cutting spending on superfluous goods and services, extravagant perks for high public officeholders and stop running up debt to buy fleets of luxury cars, trips with numerous entourages, each person with extra perks,' Candero said. 'Keep goods cheap' Attiya Waris, a development expert based at the University of Nairobi, has called on Angola's government to reconsider the reduction of subsidies. 'Fuel subsidies are important in Angola as they keep goods cheap. The government needs to make sure that any change in fuel prices does not affect movement and the cost of the basket of goods [for] people in the country,' said Waris, who reported to the United Nations Human Rights Commission in February this year as an independent expert on the effects of foreign debt on human rights in Angola. In her report, Waris, who is Kenyan, warns that the subsidy cuts could push up food price inflation and negatively affect vulnerable groups. She points out that the price of basic staples like eggs had already increased by 400 percent. The report recommends that the government conduct a comprehensive assessment of the economic and social impacts of cutting fuel subsidies and urges it to seek alternative support mechanisms to mitigate the negative impact it may have on low-income households. World Bank researchers have also backed up Waris's findings. They point out that removing subsidies could deepen poverty and inequality and may have dire consequences for specific sectors, such as fishing and agriculture; not to mention that it could lead to a nutritional crisis. 'To mitigate these effects, subsidies should be gradually eliminated and paired with targeted support for specific producers, cash transfers for affected households, and public awareness campaigns about the benefits of subsidy reform,' an article published in May on the World Bank blog site reads. The authors point out, however, that fuel subsidies have drawbacks, too, including disproportionately benefitting wealthier households, straining public finances, limiting investments in physical and human capital and promoting the over-consumption of fossil fuels. 'The fight will continue' The government's handling of the subsidy reforms has been widely criticised, especially after the crackdown on protesters. Human Rights Watch accused police of using excessive force after they fired tear gas and rubber bullets at protesters on July 12 during the first round of protests against the reduction of subsidies. Ashwanee Budoo-Scholtz, deputy Africa director at Human Rights Watch, said the use of force was part of a broader trend of security force problems in Angola. She cited a protest in 2023 by 400 women traders in Luanda, which was met with tear gas and police beatings. When Lourenco was elected for a second term in August 2022, Human Rights Watch made a series of recommendations to place human rights at the centre of his government's policies, including investigating repeated allegations of rights violations by Angola's state security forces, such as summary executions, excessive use of force against peaceful protesters, and arbitrary detentions. 'Angolans should be able to peacefully protest government policies without being met with excessive force and other violations of their basic rights,' Budoo-Scholtz said in a statement last month. Despite the criticisms, President Lourenco on Friday praised the police for 'acting within the scope of their duties'. In a national address, he reminded Angolans that this year marks five decades of independence, nearly half of which were marked by civil war. '[We] cannot accept or tolerate any more pain and mourning among Angolans,' he said. He ended his address with the words: 'Long live Angola.' Meanwhile, Candero and other civil society groups feel nowhere near as triumphant. Overnight, transport costs have doubled to about 4,000 kwanza ($4.36) a day for workers who rely on public transport such as minibus taxes, exceeding the daily wages of 53 percent of Angolans, who earn less than $3.65 per day, and 31 percent who live on less than $2.15 per day, according to the World Bank. Candero said it is almost inevitable that the rising costs of living will lead to more protests. And with economically desperate people out in the streets, this can also lead to looting, observers note. 'Some people do not agree with destruction of businesses or other public goods. Others think that causing economic and financial consequences is a payback to the government that [harms many] by allowing corruption,' Candero said. 'For others, especially young people from poor suburbs, the fight will continue until the improvement of their social conditions, especially hunger reduction. 'These were only symptoms. Until we deal with the root causes, these demonstrations will never stop. This is no longer a taxi strike. It is the cry of a hungry people for a piece of bread and for some dignity.'

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