
Six Secret Service agents suspended over Trump assassination attempt
The Secret Service did not identify the agents or disclose specific grounds for their suspensions.
A gunman opened fire at Mr Trump's rally in Butler, Pennsylvania on 13 July last year, while the candidate was speaking on stage.
The shooter accessed a nearby rooftop with a direct line of sight to the former president.
Mr Trump and others were injured, and a bystander and the shooter were killed. Multiple investigations were launched into the Secret Service, and its director resigned.
Mr Trump said in an interview that will air on Saturday on Fox News that the Secret Service erred by not stationing an agent on the rooftop and not including local police in the communications system.
"There were mistakes made. And that shouldn't have happened," Mr Trump said in the interview conducted by his daughter-in-law Lara Trump, who has her own show on the Trump-friendly news channel.
Mr Trump said that the elite close-protection service "had a bad day."
The Republican - whose ear was nicked by a bullet while he addressed an election rally in Butler, Pennsylvania - noted that the would-be assassin had access to a "prime building" overlooking the rally.
One bystander was killed and two other people in addition to Mr Trump were wounded before a counter-sniper killed the gunman - 20-year-old Thomas Crooks.
The sniper "was able to get him from a long distance with one shot. If he didn't do that, you would have had an even worse situation," Mr Trump said.
"His name is David and he did a fantastic job."
Speaking of the post-incident investigation and "the larger plot," Mr Trump said "I'm satisfied with it."
"It was unforgettable," he said, recalling the drama. "I didn't know exactly what was going on.
"I got whacked. There's no question about that. And fortunately, I got down quickly. People were screaming."
Secret Service Director Sean Curran, who was the agent in charge of Mr Trump's security detail at the rally, said in a statement: "The agency has taken many steps to ensure such an event can never be repeated in the future."
The Secret Service said it has implemented 21 of 46 recommendations made by congressional oversight bodies.
Sixteen other recommendations were in progress and nine were not directed at the Secret Service, it said.
The Secret Service said it was implementing protective measures for golf courses.
After the Butler assassination attempt, a man with a gun hid near a Trump-owned golf course in Florida with the intent to kill the then-Republican presidential candidate.
Hashtags

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles

Irish Times
18 minutes ago
- Irish Times
Michelle O'Neill: ‘The British state killed local people. Those moments contribute to who you are'
As Michelle O'Neill walks in her home village of Clonoe, east Co Tyrone , there is not a person she passes who does not say hello or a driver who fails to wave from a passing car. O'Neill greets them all in return. Eventually, The Irish Times inquires as to whether she has adopted her own special wave like Queen Elizabeth II's ? 'They do tease me about that,' she says with a laugh. Clonoe is where the First Minister of Northern Ireland and Sinn Féin vice-president spent her formative years and where she still lives. As O'Neill shows us around, it is evident how her family, her village and her community have shaped the person she is and the politician she has become. READ MORE 'I'm Michelle who's from this area. There's no airs and graces, but sure, this is my home. This is where I feel comfortable.' At the heart of this staunchly republican village is Clonoe O'Rahillys GAA club with modern pitches and a redeveloped clubhouse, which also houses the community centre. A plaque commemorates its official opening by the then MP for the area and O'Neill's 'mentor', Martin McGuinness , in November 1998. Michelle O'Neill standing by the pitch at Clonoe O'Rahillys GAA club near where she grew up in Co Tyrone. Photograph: Alan Betson Was she here that day? 'Absolutely.' She was 'a young mummy, my child was four … it was, 1998, the Good Friday Agreement , such a moment of hope and opportunity for people, and the club being opened captured, in a very local way, that new beginning and that new hope'. Outside, she shows off the Gaelscoil, the village's business park and her favourite walking route along the canal path. 'This is part of my mindfulness, my relaxation, keeping myself right, going out walking with friends … get a bit of head space to talk about things that aren't in the political sphere,' she says. 'Because we're all human at the end of the day, even those of us in politics, so I like that – I need that, actually, to keep doing what I'm doing.' She was born in Fermoy, Co Cork , in 1977. The family returned to nearby Coalisland when O'Neill was a baby, then to her father's homeplace of Clonoe to a new row of bungalows her father helped build and where her mother, Kathleen, still lives. In 1968, discrimination in the allocation of housing in east Tyrone helped spark the first civil rights march, from Coalisland to Dungannon. 'When we got the opportunity to move, my mummy didn't believe my daddy, actually. She said to Daddy, 'Brendan, we're not the kind of people who can buy a home' and he said, 'Yes, we can'.' O'Neill speaks warmly of a 'good family life' with 'strong role models around us', including her mother who gave up work so Michelle could go back to school after she became pregnant at 16. O'Neill has spoken previously about how she was prayed over by some at her Catholic grammar school, how she sat her GCSEs a few days after giving birth and then the 'huge fuss' made about her returning for A-levels. Michelle O'Neill: 'Partition failed my community, failed every community across the island.' Photograph: Alan Betson 'It was difficult,' she says, but also says 'I suppose it does make you more resilient' just as 'being a young mummy shapes who you are, being responsible for this beautiful little being and wanting the world to be better for her'. From an early age, O'Neill was aware she 'grew up in a family, in a society, in a community that was discriminated against, that was treated with inequality on a day-to-day basis'. There was 'a lot of loss in the community, many moments when the British state killed local lads, local people, local people that weren't much older than me … all those moments contribute to shaping who you are'. Among them was her cousin, Tony Doris, one of three members of the IRA's East Tyrone Brigade who were on 'active service' when they were shot dead in a SAS ambush in nearby Coagh in 1991. O'Neill was 14. 'It was horrendous for his immediate family, obviously, and all these things have lasting impacts, and that's the same for every family that lost. My experience, unfortunately, was felt by far too many people.' O'Neill's father, Brendan Doris, was an IRA prisoner and local councillor. 'He was such a community activist. He was a man who was very much wedded to his community, and I liked what he did. I liked how he helped people. So I suppose, maybe it was always organic that I would go down the route that I took in terms of going into politics.' Even then, her goal was 'Irish unity. I think partition failed my community, failed every community across the island', she says. 'But I'm somebody who was gifted the Good Friday Agreement in 1998. I had just turned 21 and that gave me that precious gift of peace. 'It made me determined that I am going to go out and I'm going to work this because this is a democratic pathway towards the unification of this island and I am going to grab it. That's really been my journey ever since.' O'Neill joined Sinn Féin in her early teens. In 1998 she officially started working for the party. She was elected a councillor in 2005, then to Stormont in 2007. Michelle O'Neill with fellow Sinn Féin politicians Francis Molloy, left, and Martin McGuinness following their election in 2007. Photograph: Eric Luke A former minister for agriculture and then health, in 2017 she replaced McGuinness when he stood down as deputy first minister. Last year, she became First Minister, making history as the first nationalist to do so. As she walked down the grand staircase into the Great Hall at Parliament Buildings and then into the Chamber, she allowed herself a smile. 'There's no doubt it was a moment of pride, personal pride, pride for my community, for my family,' she says. 'I suppose I felt the weight of the moment of history on my shoulders, I felt the expectation on my shoulders, but that in itself is a motivator. 'You know you have to go out and give it your 100 per cent and I hope that's what people can see. I give it my 100 per cent every day.' O'Neill's maiden speech, delivered shortly afterwards, was about setting the tone for her term. She promised to be a 'First Minister for all' and 'inclusive and respectful' of everyone regardless of background or identity. 'I've fulfilled that pledge,' she says. She lists examples, including her attendance at Queen Elizabeth II's funeral and King Charles III's coronation, a PSNI graduation and the official Remembrance Sunday ceremony in Belfast last November. Michelle O'Neill shakes hands with Liz Truss, left, then British prime minister, in September 2022 during at a service for the late Queen Elizabeth II at St Anne's Cathedral, Belfast. Photograph: Liam McBurney/Getty Was this difficult, given her own experience? 'Personally, given the experience of my community at the hands of the British state, then, yes, from that perspective it is. 'But is it the right thing to do to try and reconcile the people on this island? Yes, it is. 'So, for me, that outweighs any personal feeling.' But equally she says: 'I go to republican commemorations because that's who I am. I've never shied away from that. I don't distance myself from that.' Can she understand why this is difficult for many, particularly those who lost loved-ones to the IRA? 'I do think about it,' she says. 'I understand there are many people out there that have a different narrative than me and I respect that that's their view. It's also perhaps their lived experience, but mine's different.' But, she says, part of reconciling is 'actually understanding that it's okay – we may have different narratives, but we need to respect that is actually the case. 'That understanding is what allows me to say what I can say – what I said whenever I became First Minister – because I absolutely am sorry that anybody lost a loved one. I'm so sorry we lived in a society that [had] a conflict. 'But the job of leadership of 2025, the job of leadership since the Good Friday Agreement, all of my life's work, is about building on what was achieved then [in 1998] and continuing to drive us into the next 25 years.' For O'Neill, this means a united Ireland. She stands by Sinn Féin's aim of a Border poll by 2030, but is 'less fixated on a date' for unity, 'more interested in that the actual planning and preparation is done and that we get it right'. She says: 'The Irish Government really, really need to treat this with urgency … give people the tools in which to make an informed decision.' How is this to be achieved, given that neither the Irish nor the British government – which must ultimately call the poll – have given any indication they intend to do so in the near future? 'Well, governments say many things … then they're forced to take a position just because of the public demand for it. We will continue to make the case,' O'Neill says, arguing that even her own election as First Minister 'speaks to the change that's happening around us' and, coupled with potential of elections ahead, 'all these things can become the tipping point for Irish unity'. She believes there are 'many people' – including unionists – 'open to being persuaded … and they'll be convinced because it's in their best interests. The argument to be made is that there is something better for all of us.' UK prime minister Keir Starmer will not, she says, have 'the luxury of burying his head in the sand and ignoring the call for constitutional change'. In the meantime, as the joint head – with the Deputy First Minister, the DUP's Emma Little-Pengelly – of the four-party Northern Executive, there is much work to be done. Deputy First Minister Emma Little-Pengelly and First Minister Michelle O'Neill speak to the media last February after Stormont ministers agreed a programme for government. Photograph: Liam McBurney/PA 'Emma and I are completely different characters, completely different backgrounds, completely different outlook, but also very understanding of the fact that we have to work together to try and lead the Executive.' Challenges facing Stormont include the crisis in the health service, the worst waiting lists on these islands, and a lack of funding almost across the board. Often, the public perception is that little practical is achieved amid much political point-scoring. 'There are lots of things we work on together and there are differences, but you have to manage those things. That's just the nature of it.' O'Neill is critical of the 'lack of leadership in political unionism, particularly when it comes to issues of bonfires' and its 'faux outrage at times around particular issues'. 'The constant attacks on the GAA tell people who support the GAA and people from an Irish national identity that they're not welcome in this place. Political unionism would need to think about that.' But O'Neill defends the Executive's record: 'We're 18 months in … we have a programme for government, the first in over a decade. We've prioritised health waiting lists and we've put finances in that direction. We've been able to deal with public sector pay.' She also cites 'a whole new economic strategy … advances on childcare, advances on a strategy to end violence against women and girls'. On two major infrastructure projects, the rebuilding of Casement Park and the upgrade of the A5, she says they will be built. 'I've said they'll be built on my watch. I will stand over that.' There is also the matter of the Irish presidential election. O'Neill bats away the names of any potential candidate – Mary Lou McDonald , Gerry Adams , her own – with the same response. Sinn Féin president Mary Lou McDonald with Gerry Adams and party vice-president Michelle O'Neill during a pro-unity group event in Belfast. Photograph: Brian Lawless/PA 'The party is still deliberating. We're actively having conversations. We've seen others enter into the field and we'll make our position known very shortly.' Will McDonald lead Sinn Féin into the next general election? 'Absolutely,' she says. Is O'Neill a future leader of her party? 'Well, there's no vacant position,' she says with a laugh. One day? 'I also love being vice-president … and working alongside Mary Lou. She's described me before as her wing woman. That's very much who I am.' The role of First Minister 'is my priority, and that's where I need to be focused … I'm more than content with where I am'.


Irish Times
42 minutes ago
- Irish Times
Spending on infrastructure makes sense, cutting VAT on hospitality is quite mad
Looking at the performance of the economy over the last 18 months, things look pretty good, as long as you aren't looking for somewhere to live. On to an already buoyant economy, last year's election budget ploughed in more money, equivalent to more than 1 per cent of national income. With full employment, this served to further drive up domestic demand, and also house prices. It hasn't made us much better off, even if it proved popular and garnered a few votes. As election budgets go, it could have been worse. The election budget of 1977 was the biggest culprit in the economic misery of the 1980s, and the election budget of 2007 pushed the economy and house prices to new heights, leaving it even further to fall in the ensuing financial crisis. By these standards last year's election splurge, while ill-conceived, was much less damaging. This year, with no election in sight, it should be time for wiser counsels to prevail in government. While we are seeing continuing growth in the economy, the Department of Finance provides a much more sombre assessment of what is to come due to US president Donald Trump 's wrecking ball. READ MORE Tariffs and a possible trade war would directly affect Ireland, with possibly more serious consequences stemming from the damage done to the wider European Union economy. While this downbeat assessment calls for fiscal caution, instead of heeding their own advice, the Government plans to increase expenditure next year by more than 7 per cent, while national income may rise by 5 per cent. This might be acceptable if they also planned a big increase in taxes , to avoid stimulating an already fully employed economy. However, without tax increases it will add to inflationary pressures. [ What did the summer economic statement really tell us about Budget 2026? Opens in new window ] The Government also, correctly, has highlighted the huge deficit in infrastructure in Ireland stemming from the economic success of the last decade. In countries such as Germany, Italy and Greece, more older people die each year, vacating their homes, than new young households are formed. As a result, these countries don't need a big increase in housing or in related infrastructure. In contrast, with our rapidly growing population, we need to invest in more housing, water and energy, as being provided now in the updated National Development Plan (NDP). [ We need to confront the reality that the housing shortage can't be solved Opens in new window ] While the Government has the money to spend on building more infrastructure, this will work only if a range of other complementary policies are implemented. Firstly, while spending money on infrastructure makes sense, in a fully employed economy we need to redirect resources from other sectors to building and construction. For example, the plan to cut VAT on catering and accommodation is quite mad. The latest data shows that that sector is booming. Instead we need to free up resources for new building by spending less in other economic sectors. In sectors that are already thriving, it could make more sense to raise taxes than to lower them, to encourage redirection of labour to our most urgent problem, housing . David McWilliams on how 'big incentives' to build could save Dublin city Listen | 36:51 The NDP sensibly provides funding to build new wires to link homes and businesses with electricity generation. There is also funding for a long overdue metro for Dublin , and to bring water from the Shannon to Dublin to tackle the knife-edge water supply in the capital. However, these projects will get under way only if the planning and regulatory systems are dramatically reformed. It has already taken five years for planners to consider a verdict on the metro. Countries such as Spain would have built the metro in that time, instead of merely scrutinising the plans. The North-South electricity interconnector was announced 20 years ago, while planning delays on both sides of the Border mean it will be 2032 before it finally happens. Once started, the actual construction will just take months to complete, not the decades spent in planning. The need to pipe water from the Shannon to Dublin was established over a decade ago, yet it could be many more years before it is delivered under the present planning system. In the 19th century, specific legislation was enacted to build our railway system. As Michael McDowell has suggested, a similar legislative approach should be taken today to developing key infrastructure. [ There is a way to unblock Ireland's infrastructural logjam Opens in new window ] We need to enact a specific legal mandate, in the overriding national interest, to drive forward critical projects and avoid the endless round of planning applications, appeals and judicial reviews. Had we done that for the metro, it would have been finished a decade ago. But unless the planning system is reformed, I'm unlikely during my lifetime to ride the metro or drink Shannon water from my tap.


Irish Independent
an hour ago
- Irish Independent
Donal O'Donovan: Trade deal is big win for Donald Trump, bad loss for Europeans and a disaster for the EU
Ursula von der Leyen's cowed description of the deal struck with Donald Trump as 'a rebalancing' marks the scale of her capitulation – explicitly buying the US line that there was something off about pre-Trump trade between the US and EU.