Zelenskyy rejects ceding land as European leaders back Ukraine
"We remain committed to the principle that international borders must not be changed by force,' European leaders said Saturday in a joint statement. "The current line of contact should be the starting point of negotiations.'
The statement was backed by U.K. Prime Minister Keir Starmer, European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen, and the leaders of France, Germany, Italy, Poland and Finland.
U.S. President Donald Trump announced Friday that he'll meet Russian President Vladimir Putin in Alaska on Friday, with the apparent exclusion of Zelenskyy from talks aimed at ending Russia's invasion of its neighbor, now halfway through a fourth year.
Zelenskyy's comments were his first response to news of that meeting, as well as reports that talks between Washington and Moscow center around a deal that would lock in Russia's occupation of territory seized during its military invasion, according to people familiar with the matter.
That includes a demand by Putin that Ukraine cede Crimea, which Kremlin forces illegally annexed in 2014, as well as its entire eastern Donbas area. Such an outcome would require Zelenskyy to withdraw troops from parts of the Luhansk and Donetsk regions still held by Kyiv.
A woman carries dogs as she flees her apartment block following a Russian strike in Kharkiv, Ukraine, on July 24. |
David Guttenfelder / The New York Times
National security advisers from Europe, Ukraine and the U.S. met in the U.K. and made significant progress toward the aim of ending the fighting during hours of talks on Saturday, according to a U.S. official who asked for anonymity to discuss sensitive conversations. The talks followed an earlier call between Zelenskyy and Starmer, and a flurry of diplomacy involving Zelenskyy and other European leaders.
U.K. Foreign Secretary David Lammy and U.S. Vice President JD Vance co-hosted the meeting at Chevening House in Kent. The talks were attended by some U.S. officials via video link, the Wall Street Journal reported, adding that European powers offered a counterproposal for talks with Russia that would in the first instance demand a ceasefire.
Any decisions taken without Ukraine "are at the same time decisions against peace. They will not achieve anything,' Zelenskyy said. "The answer to the Ukrainian territorial question is already in the Constitution of Ukraine. No one will and will not be able to deviate from this.'
Zelenskyy also warned against accepting Russia's spin on possible outcomes of a negotiation, saying that Putin was solely responsible for blocking an end to the war.
"His only card is the ability to kill, and he is trying to sell the cessation of killings at the highest possible price,' the Ukrainian leader said in a later post on X. "It is important that this does not mislead anyone.'
Zelenskyy also had calls with French President Emmanuel Macron and Finnish President Alexander Stubb, as well the prime ministers of Spain, Denmark and Estonia, according to his posts.
Rescue workers after a Russian strike in Sumy, Ukraine, on April 14 |
Tyler Hicks / The New York Times
Separately, Macron had phone discussions with Starmer and German Chancellor Friedrich Merz, the French president said on X.
In turn, Putin spoke on Saturday with Brazilian President Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva, the latest in a series of international calls by the Russian leader since he met with U.S. special envoy Steve Witkoff last week.
Amid preparations for talks, Russia and Ukraine continued to trade air attacks overnight. Russia shot down a total of 224 Ukrainian drones over its territory from late Friday through 6 p.m. Moscow time on Saturday, according to the nation's defense ministry. Three UAVs targeting Moscow were downed earlier in the first half of the day, the Russian capital's mayor said in Telegram posts.
Ukrainian drones hit a UAV storage facility in Kzyl Yul in the Russian republic of Tatarstan, some 1,300 kilometers from Ukrainian territory, the Security Service of Ukraine said on Telegram.
Separately, Russian Defense Minister Andrey Belousov inspected facilities of the nation's Baltic fleet in the Kaliningrad region, Russia's exclave neighboring Lithuania and Poland. Belousov said the means of repelling drone attacks is among the fleet's priorities, according to a ministry statement.
Ukraine's air forces on Telegram reported 47 drones and two Iskander missiles fired by Russia overnight. According to preliminary data, as of 9:00 a.m., air defenses had repelled one Iskander missile and 16 UAVs.
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Japan Times
4 hours ago
- Japan Times
Starlink techies keep Musk's network running, even in a war
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NHK
6 hours ago
- NHK
Putin and Kim talk by phone ahead of US-Russia summit
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Japan Times
6 hours ago
- Japan Times
Putin is about to outplay Trump again in Alaska
Ukrainian and European leaders are worried Donald Trump will get played for a second time when and if he meets his Russian counterpart in a meeting tentatively scheduled to take place in Alaska on Friday, and they're right to be nervous. Indeed, if Trump wants to emerge from the talks a master negotiator rather than a pushover, his smartest move would have been to postpone the summit until it's better prepared. Trump isn't wrong to try sitting down with U.S. foes and rivals, even where more conventional leaders would avoid the risk. But hastily arranged encounters rarely result as hoped and everything about the visit by Trump's envoy Steve Witkoff to Moscow that produced the Alaska invitation last week screams confusion. With so much fog on the American side, it's best to understand what Friday's scheduled meeting is really about from the point of view of Vladimir Putin. To him, this is a windfall he can use both to defuse Trump's threat of sanctions and further his war effort. That's what happened earlier this year, when the former KGB handler made good use of Trump's obvious desperation to secure a peace deal in Ukraine and an economic reset with Moscow. No matter how much Trump was willing to give away, including sanctions relief, Putin saw just one thing: a strategic opportunity. With the U.S. no longer willing to help arm Ukraine's defense, except — as eventually persuaded — when paid, Putin did the only logical thing: He upped the pace of his war effort, both on land and in the air, to take advantage of Kyiv's weakening position. Eventually, even Trump had to acknowledge he was getting strung along. Faced with an Aug. 8 deadline before the U.S. imposed financial consequences on Russia for its intransigence, Putin's task when Witkoff arrived in Moscow was once again to do just enough to stall any U.S. action, while making sure any concrete outcomes would strengthen Russia's position. So far, that's going swimmingly. He got something for nothing. The first priority was to keep Volodymyr Zelenskyy out of the room, rather than have the three-way meeting that Trump — to his credit — was suggesting. The Ukrainian leader's presence would require actual negotiation, making Russian disinterest hard to hide. By insisting on a bilateral sit down with Trump, Putin can seek to propose terms this U.S. administration might accept, but he knows Ukraine can't. That would once again make Zelenskyy the person Trump blames for standing in the way of peace, taking the pressure off Putin. The second goal was to find a location for the meeting that would demonstrate, both to Russians and to leaders around the world, that Putin is no longer a pariah avoiding travel for fear of arrest under a war crimes warrant the International Criminal Court issued against him in 2023. Indeed, this would be Putin's first visit to the U.S. (outside trips to the United Nations in New York) since 2007, before his invasion of Georgia the following year. A summit in Alaska — a U.S. state that once belonged to the Russian Empire — would send a strong signal of Putin's rehabilitation, while also pointing to the Kremlin's long historical reach as a great power. Trump's invitation alone is a win for the Kremlin. If the summit also serves to delay U.S. sanctions or produces a "peace' plan that sows dissension between Ukraine and its allies, all the more so. But any genuine path to a lasting end to hostilities will need a lot more pressure, both financial and military, as well as preparation. If an account in Germany's Bild magazine is correct, Putin and his officials ran rings around Witkoff when they met the U.S. real estate-developer-turned-diplomat last week, leaving him confused about what was on offer. Whatever Witkoff may have misunderstood, it was enough for the U.S. president to say land swaps were on the table, when they aren't. What the Kremlin appears ready to consider is that Ukraine should hand over parts of the Donbas that Russia hasn't yet been able to conquer, in exchange for a ceasefire. So, not a land swap, but land handed over in perpetuity in exchange for a truce that's probably temporary. According to Bild, the Russian "offer' may also have required Ukraine to first withdraw its troops from much larger areas of the Kherson and Zaporizhzhia provinces that Russia also claims to have annexed but has yet been unable to occupy. The Kremlin may also be willing to offer a truce in its air war to ward off sanctions, but that's less of a concession than it seems. Unlike two years ago, when that was a one-way fight, Ukraine's newly built long-range drones and missiles are doing increasing damage to Russian energy and military assets. On Monday, they hit a factory making guidance systems for Russia's missiles near the city of Nizhny Novgorod, about 440 kilometers (270 miles) east of Moscow. A truce might at this point be welcomed by both sides. Ukrainians know they'll to have to cede control of territory to end Putin's invasion. But they have in mind the kinds of concessions made to the Josef Stalin in Germany at the end of World War II. He secured control over the eastern half of that country for the Soviet Union, but West Germany retained its sovereign claim over the east and — eventually — got it back. Just as important is that after a brief attempt at seizing all of Berlin, the Kremlin left West Germany to prosper in peace. There's no indication Putin wants that kind of deal. It would do nothing to further his actual goals in going to war, which were to secure control over a de-militarized Ukraine as well as U.S. acceptance of a Russian sphere of influence in Europe, uncontested by NATO. Putin never hides this. It's what he means when he says he's happy to talk about a ceasefire, just as soon as the "root causes' of the war are addressed. There will be a time and place for a Trump-Putin summit. But it's unlikely to be this week in Alaska. Marc Champion is a Bloomberg Opinion columnist covering Europe, Russia and the Middle East.