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[Robert J. Fouser] Rise of the 'neo-globalists'

[Robert J. Fouser] Rise of the 'neo-globalists'

Korea Herald3 days ago

Way back in the late 2010s, I remember Democratic political pundit Donna Brazile describing then-US President President Donald Trump as a 'tree shaker.' That was during his first term when traditional guardrails on presidential power were still in place. In his second term, those guardrails have disappeared, and he has become a forest fire, wreaking havoc in all directions.
But four months in the era of Trump chaos is a long time and the tenor of criticism has begun to change. At first, criticism focused on the negative effects of each action, which added to the long list of things to be resisted. Recently, however, criticism has begun to focus on weaknesses in Trump's isolationist 'America First' argument that drives his decision-making. Instead of adding to the list of outrages, emerging criticism attempts to create an appealing counterargument in the hope of weakening Trump's appeal. Two arguments that have deep roots in 20th century politics have gained strength.
The first is progressive-left change, advocated by Bernie Sanders since the 2016 presidential campaign. Sanders is now in his 80s, and New York Representative Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez has moved into a position to lead the movement. 'Election Betting Odds,' an aggregate of political betting websites, has her tied for first place in the race for the 2028 Democratic nomination and running second behind JD Vance for the presidency. Born in 1989, she will turn 39 just before the 2028 election. Democrats are still smarting from Kamala Harris's loss in 2024 and finding their way will take time, but Ocasio-Cortez is creating the biggest buzz among possible candidates. If she were to run, she would instantly be one of the most competitive candidates.
The idea of an Ocasio-Cortez nomination makes members of the Democratic Party establishment nervous, just as the idea of a Sanders nomination did. Their worries stem from a combination of worries that progressive-left candidates cannot win and fear that they will lose influence over the party. Their worries are valid. Various analyses of US voters give the progressive left a core support level of about 15 percent, which is hardly enough to win the Democratic nomination, let alone the general election. To win, a progressive-left candidate either needs to move to the center or draw on activist energy in the hope of creating momentum. In 2016 and 2020, Bernie Sanders followed the latter strategy, but it was not enough to win. This suggests that an Ocasio-Cortez candidacy could be risky.
The second argument is 'neo-globalism,' which rejects Trump's tariffs, restrictions on immigration and isolationist worldview. Neo-globalists acknowledge weaknesses in 20th century globalism and the neoliberal policies that underpinned it. They respect national interests but are firmly committed to free trade, openness to immigration, international institutions and democratic ideals.
The ascendance of critiques of globalization in the 2010s, first from the progressive left and later from right-wing populist movements, put globalists on the defensive. By the 2020s, support for globalization had become passe, and pundits argued that Donald Trump's victory in 2024 marked the end of the era of globalization.
During the past four months, Trump's attacks on the structures of globalization have stirred a pro-globalization backlash. Emboldened globalists are now arguing that, despite its flaws, globalization offers hope to more people around the world than isolationism and reactionary populism. The public in many countries is responding to these arguments by rejecting the tenets of reactionary populism. In the US, nearly two-thirds of voters disapprove of Trump's tariffs while negative opinions of the US have soared around the world because of Trump.
Recent elections in Australia and Canada suggest that 'neo-globalists' who create broad coalitions can defeat the populist right. In Australia, Prime Minister Anthony Albanese of the center-left Labor Party won one of the largest majorities in history by tying his conservative opponent to the populist right. In Canada, Prime Minister Mark Carney of the centrist Liberal Party won the most seats in parliament by drawing on resistance to Trump while pulling votes away from the progressive-left New Democratic Party. In French legislative elections in 2024, cooperation between the centrist and progressive-left parties helped beat back a strong challenge from the far-right populist parties.
The midterm elections in the US in 2026 will be an important test of whether neo-globalists and the progressive left can build a coalition to win control of Congress. Now is the time for the Democratic Party to focus on building and sustaining such a coalition rather than worrying about the nominee for 2028.
Robert J. Fouser, a former associate professor of Korean language education at Seoul National University, writes on Korea from Providence, Rhode Island. He can be reached at robertjfouser@gmail.com. The views expressed here are the writer's own. -- Ed.

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