
India shot down 6 Pakistani military aircraft in May fighting, air force chief says
Most of the Pakistani aircraft were downed by India's Russian-made S-400 surface-to-air missile system, Indian Air Chief Marshal A.P. Singh said at an event in the southern city of Bengaluru. He cited electronic tracking data as confirmation of the strikes.
'We have at least five fighters confirmed killed, and one large aircraft,' he said, adding that the large aircraft, which could be a surveillance plane, was shot down at a distance of 300 km (186 miles).
'This is actually the largest ever recorded surface-to-air kill,' he said, prompting applause from the crowd that included serving air force officers, veterans, and government and industry officials.
Pakistan's military did not immediately respond to a request for comment. Singh did not mention the type of fighter jets that were downed.
Islamabad, whose air force primarily operates Chinese-made jets and US F-16s, has previously denied that India downed any Pakistani aircraft during the May 7-10 fighting between the nuclear-armed neighbors.
Pakistan has claimed that it shot down six Indian aircraft during the clashes, including a French-made Rafale fighter. India has acknowledged some losses but denied losing six aircraft.
France's air chief, General Jerome Bellanger, has previously said that he has seen evidence of the loss of three Indian fighters, including a Rafale. Indian Air Force has not commented on the claims.
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Arab News
8 hours ago
- Arab News
The great corridor conundrum
It is a truth universally acknowledged — or at least universally marketed — that the Middle East is once again poised to be the beating heart of global commerce. Enter the India-Middle East-Europe Economic Corridor, known as IMEC, a vision unveiled in September 2023 with the flourish of a G20 communique and the optimism of a startup pitch deck. India, Saudi Arabia, the UAE, the EU, France, Italy, Germany and the US all signed on, proclaiming IMEC not just as a trade route but as proof that geography in the 21st century can still be redrawn. The idea is seductive: a twin corridor network, one stretching from India to the Arabian Gulf, the other from the Gulf to Europe, sewn together by ports, railways and digital cables. In theory, the scheme could shave eight to 10 days off shipping times compared to the Suez route, reduce freight costs and serve as a 'values-based' counterweight to China's Belt and Road Initiative. In practice, however, bold lines on a map are the easy part; turning them into steel, concrete and functional customs regimes is where so many grand visions are lost. Early cost estimates place IMEC's price tag between $20 billion and $30 billion, a figure almost certain to rise once engineering, land acquisition and security needs are taken into account. The project began as an Indian initiative, later embraced by the EU and Saudi Arabia. Yet, unlike the Belt and Road Initiative or the International North-South Transport Corridor, India has not set up a dedicated implementing body, nor has it committed actual funding. That omission is more than a bureaucratic footnote: without clear governance and committed capital, the India-Middle East-Europe Economic Corridor risks becoming a PowerPoint concept rather than a functioning trade artery. Financing will almost certainly rely on India-EU partnerships, with Saudi Arabia and the US playing indispensable roles. Washington's stance is broadly positive, though it views IMEC through the lens of a larger strategic agenda tied to the Abraham Accords. For India, the calculus is more complex. A faster, more reliable route to Europe could boost exports, yet New Delhi's domestic infrastructure ambitions — from high-speed rail to renewable power grids — already stretch fiscal resources. Adding to the equation, President Donald Trump's recently announced 50 percent tariffs on certain Indian exports has introduced a strategic wrinkle: can a corridor partly championed by Washington truly offset the economic sting of US protectionism? The new corridor's backers frame it as a cleaner, more transparent alternative, but politics and geography are not easily tamed Dr. John Sfakianakis The IMEC plan enters a crowded field. The Belt and Road Initiative, since its launch in 2013, has channeled an estimated $1 trillion into more than 150 countries, financing everything from deep-water ports in Pakistan to railways in East Africa. The International North-South Transport Corridor is already moving goods across Eurasia and the Suez Canal — IMEC's implicit rival — still handles more than 12 percent of global trade and is investing heavily in capacity upgrades. The new corridor's backers frame it as a cleaner, more transparent alternative, but politics and geography are not easily tamed. European shippers may think twice if tensions with Iran escalate. India's commitment could waver if EU carbon tariffs trigger a deeper trade rift. For Greece, IMEC presents a more parochial contest: who gets to be the European gateway? The port of Piraeus is the obvious candidate, but it is majority-owned by a Chinese company, an awkward fact for a project marketed as a hedge against Beijing's influence. Thessaloniki might offer an alternative, yet both ports face the same structural flaw — an underdeveloped railway network with poor links to the Balkans and beyond. In the hard reality of freight logistics, ports are only as useful as the railways that feed them. Without a robust and interconnected backbone, the dream of containers rolling smoothly from Mumbai to Munich will remain stubbornly out of reach. Security risks loom just as large. The corridor skirts maritime zones where Iran has flexed its naval muscles more than once, while the overland legs could be vulnerable to cyberattacks, drone strikes and political unrest. The recent military conflicts in the Middle East have already slowed planning for the corridor, effectively 'freezing' parts of its development. The Red Sea's recent spate of security incidents has shown how quickly global supply chains can be thrown off course by a single attack. The Belt and Road Initiative has learned to build redundancy into its networks — alternative ports, backup lines, diversified shipping lanes — and IMEC will need to do the same if it hopes to withstand inevitable shocks. The economic logic is also not as clear-cut as its boosters suggest. Rail freight from India to Europe might be faster than sea, but it is more expensive — often 30 percent to 50 percent higher per container — and speed alone may not convince shippers to absorb the cost premium. Digital and energy links, another selling point of IMEC, may produce returns sooner, but they lack the visual and political symbolism of a freight train gliding across the desert. Clear governance structures, dependable funding and disciplined execution are what will make or break this project Dr. John Sfakianakis And yet, even in its current state, the corridor is a modest diplomatic success. It has brought India and the Gulf states closer, signaled Europe's willingness to invest in non-Chinese infrastructure and given Washington a convening role in a grouping that is neither a formal trade bloc nor a military alliance. But diplomacy alone cannot move freight. Clear governance structures, dependable funding and disciplined execution are what will make or break this project. The real challenge will be execution. Coordinating engineering standards, securing rights of way, harmonizing customs rules and aligning digital protocols will require a level of bureaucratic choreography that even Brussels might find daunting. The oft-cited 'phased implementation' risks becoming a euphemism for indefinite delay and, unless each segment of the corridor can operate viably on its own, the entire chain could stall. The Belt and Road Initiative's history offers no shortage of cautionary tales: gleaming ports that sit empty, railway lines mired in debt and high-profile launches followed by quiet decay. IMEC's planners would do well to study these examples — and place less emphasis on ribbon-cutting ceremonies and more on the unglamorous business of making infrastructure work in practice. So, can IMEC deliver? Possibly — but only if it exchanges vision statements for procurement schedules, diplomatic handshakes for binding contracts and high-level endorsements for on-the-ground problem solving. The world has no shortage of trade corridors. What it lacks are corridors that deliver on their promises. IMEC has the map, the mandate and the moment. Whether it has the machinery — and the mettle — remains the billion-dollar question. • Dr. John Sfakianakis is chief economist at the Gulf Research Center.


Arab News
10 hours ago
- Arab News
US trade deal likely to bring huge investments to Pakistan, army chief tells overseas Pakistanis
KARACHI: Pakistan's recent trade deal with the United States (US) is expected to bring huge investments to the South Asian country, Pakistani military sources said on Sunday, citing Army Chief Field Marshal Asim Munir who is on a visit to the US. Field Marshal Munir has engaged with senior American military and political leadership during his ongoing visit, after years of strained relations mainly due to disagreements over counter‑terrorism issues. Pakistan eyes greater collaboration with the US under President Donald Trump and both nations have appeared to be keen to rebuild their military and economic relationship in recent months. On Sunday, the army chief met a group of overseas Pakistanis and spoke with them about his visits and a host of issues of national significance for Islamabad, according to Pakistani military sources. 'My second visit after a gap of just one and a half months marks a new dimension in Pakistan-US relations,' Field Marshal Munir was quoted as saying. 'The aim of these visits is to take the relationship on a constructive, sustainable and positive path. A possible trade deal with the US is expected to bring in huge investments.' Both countries last month reached a trade deal according to which the US will charge a 19 percent tariff on imports from Pakistan, compared to a 29 percent reciprocal tariff announced in April that had raised alarm in Islamabad. Separately, President Trump has highlighted a partnership with Pakistan to develop the country's oil reserves. Field Marshal Munir said the implementation of various Memoranda of Understanding (MoUs) with the US, Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates (UAE) and China was underway to promote economic cooperation and investment. 'Our progress and prosperity are linked to Pakistanis living around the world,' he said, adding the country's 64 percent young population has immense potential to build a promising future of the country. Under Trump's renewed outreach, Washington has praised Pakistan's leadership and reinstated military cooperation previously curtailed over Afghanistan-related concerns. Islamabad, in turn, seeks to balance its longstanding partnership with China, including arms supply and defense infrastructure, with growing engagement with the US. Pakistan's powerful military, which has ruled the country directly for nearly half of its history and holds sway in political matters even when not in power, plays a central role in shaping its foreign and security policies. This is the Pakistani army chief's second visit to the US since June, when Trump hosted him for an unprecedented lunch at the White House, signifying growing closeness between the two countries. Both leaders discussed the tensions in the Middle East, particularly the 12-day Iran-Israel military conflict. During his ongoing visit, Field Marshal Munir also attended the retirement ceremony of outgoing United States Central Command (CENTCOM) Commander General Michael E. Kurilla and witnessed the handover of command to Admiral Brad Cooper in Tampa, according to the Inter-Services Public Relations (ISPR), the Pakistani military's media wing. Munir lauded General Kurilla's leadership and his contributions to strengthening bilateral military cooperation between Pakistan and the US. He extended his best wishes to Admiral Cooper, expressing confidence in continued collaboration to address shared security challenges. The Pakistani army chief also met US Joint Chiefs of Staff Chairman General Dan Caine and discussed with him matters of professional interest. 'On the sidelines, COAS (chief of army staff) interacted with Chiefs of Defense from friendly nations,' the ISPR said on Sunday, without mentioning the names of the countries.


Arab News
11 hours ago
- Arab News
Pakistan PM, Azerbaijan president discuss enhanced connectivity after peace deal with Armenia
ISLAMABAD: Pakistan Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif on Sunday held a telephonic conversation with Azerbaijan President Ilham Aliyev and discussed with him enhanced regional connectivity after Baku's peace deal with Armenia, Sharif's office said. US President Donald Trump this week announced that Armenia and Azerbaijan had committed to a lasting peace after decades of conflict as he hosted the leaders of the South Caucasus rivals at a White House signing event. The development comes as Pakistan, slowly recovering from a macroeconomic crisis under a $7 billion International Monetary Fund (IMF) loan, looks to capitalize on its geostrategic location to boost transit trade and foreign investment for a sustainable recovery. During their conversation, Sharif felicitated President Aliyev on the historic peace agreement with Armenia and said the end of the three decades-old conflict would usher in a new era of prosperity for the Caucuses. 'The prime minister particularly appreciated the role played by US President Donald Trump in facilitating this historic deal that would now bring peace and prosperity to the region,' Sharif's office said in a statement. 'While thanking the Prime Minister, President Aliyev said that peaceful development in the region would create new opportunities for enhanced connectivity between Pakistan and Central Asia.' Christian-majority Armenia and Muslim-majority Azerbaijan have feuded for decades over their border and the status of ethnic enclaves within each other's territories. The nations went to war twice over the disputed Karabakh region, which Azerbaijan recaptured from Armenian forces in a lightning 2023 offensive, sparking the exodus of more than 100,000 ethnic Armenians. Trump said at the White House event the two former Soviet republics 'are committing to stop all fighting forever, open up commerce, travel and diplomatic relations and respect each other's sovereignty and territorial integrity.' 'President Aliyev expressed deep appreciation for Pakistan's longstanding and consistent support to Azerbaijan on the Karabakh issue,' Sharif's office said. 'The prime minister responded that 'it has always been a matter of duty for the people of Pakistan to extend their support to their Azerbaijani brothers and sisters on this core issue and it was heartening to note that, under President Aliyev's bold leadership and statesmanship, peace had finally been established in this region'.' Both leaders expressed their satisfaction on the positive trajectory of their bilateral cooperation, according to the statement. The prime minister reiterated his invitation to President Aliyev to undertake an official visit to Pakistan soon. Both leaders are also expected to meet in Tianjin on the margins of an upcoming Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) summit. Pakistan and Azerbaijan maintain close ties. In July, Sharif met with President Aliyev in Khankendi on the sidelines of the 17th Economic Cooperation Organization (ECO) summit, where the two leaders agreed to boost bilateral trade and investment. This was Sharif's third visit to Azerbaijan in 2025. He last traveled to Baku in May as part of a broader push at economic diplomacy with the Central Asian republics, to whom Pakistan has offered access to its southern ports in Karachi and Gwadar. In July 2024, Azerbaijan announced a $2 billion investment in Pakistan during a visit by President Aliyev to Islamabad. In September last year, Pakistan signed a contract to supply JF-17 Block III fighter jets to Azerbaijan, marking the deepening of defense cooperation.