Lawmakers, don't take away college choice from Florida students
Florida has long been a national leader in expanding educational choice, especially at the K-12 level, where policymakers have championed the right of families to select schools that best meet their children's needs. However, when it comes to higher education, that same commitment to choice is under threat.
Florida House leadership has proposed steep cuts to the Effective Access to Student Education (EASE) grant — a modest but vital source of support that helps more than 40,000 Florida students who attend one of 30 private, nonprofit, colleges or universities in Florida that best fit their needs. The EASE grant is not a luxury — it is a vital access grant that levels the playing field for university students — recent high school graduates to adult learners and first-generation college students — who have selected a private university because of their small class sizes, flexible learning environments, and mission-driven faculty.
If House leadership gets their way, students attending 15 of the 30 Independent Colleges and Universities of Florida (ICUF) would lose this $3,500 grant. This includes students from some of Florida's top private universities including the University of Miami, Embry-Riddle Aeronautical University, and Keiser University. It also includes students from Catholic Institutions like Barry University and St. Thomas University; and HBCUs like Florida Memorial University, Edward Waters College, and Bethune-Cookman University.
This is not just bad news for Florida's college students, but it's a major step backward for workforce development and economic growth in Florida. Students from Florida's private colleges are essential to Florida's economy. They become nurses, teachers, engineers, cybersecurity specialists, and public servants. They stay in Florida, build careers, raise families, and contribute to their communities. Cutting the EASE grant not only harms students, it risks slowing the talent pipeline that powers our state's future — a potentially disastrous outcome given Florida's continued growth.
Most ICUF schools are smaller and offer more personalized experiences for students. Rarely, if ever, will you find an ICUF institution with classes full of hundreds of students. For adult learners, disadvantage population, and veterans, ICUF schools serve a critical benefit to help them achieve their educational and career goals. At Keiser University, 68 percent of students have previously attended a state university or college only to find the the institution was unable to support their unique needs.
Florida's independent colleges and universities are some of the state's most efficient engines of workforce development. For every $1 million in state support, ICUF institutions graduate 277 bachelor's degree recipients. In contrast, the State University System produces just 17 graduates per $1 million. And while private institutions don't receive state subsidies to freeze tuition, they still offer quality education at a lower total cost to students and taxpayers than many public institutions.
Educational choice should not end at high school graduation. If Florida is truly committed to empowering students through access to quality higher educational opportunities and strengthening its workforce, it must protect the EASE grant.
I urge our legislators to reconsider these proposed cuts. And I encourage all Floridians — especially families, business leaders, and alumni who've benefited from these institutions — to contact their representatives and speak up in support of access, opportunity, and choice.
Arthur Keiser is the chancellor of Keiser University.
This article originally appeared on Palm Beach Post: Lawmakers, help Florida college student with EASE grants | Opinion

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San Francisco Chronicle
10 hours ago
- San Francisco Chronicle
New Jersey can have a grand jury investigate clergy sex abuse allegations, state high court rules
TRENTON, N.J. (AP) — New Jersey can have a grand jury examine allegations of clergy sexually abusing children, the state's Supreme Court ruled Monday, after a Catholic diocese that had tried for years to block such proceedings recently reversed course. The Diocese of Camden previously had argued that a court rule prevents the state attorney general from impaneling a grand jury to issue findings in the state's investigation into decades of allegations against church officials. But the diocese notified the court in early May that it would no longer oppose that. Camden Bishop Joseph Williams, who took over the diocese in March, said he'd met with stakeholders in the diocese and there was unanimous consent to end the church's opposition to the grand jury. The seven-member Supreme Court concluded such a grand jury inquiry is allowed. 'Courts cannot presume the outcome of an investigation in advance or the contents of a presentment that has not yet been written," the court wrote in an opinion joined by all seven justieces. 'We find that the State has the right to proceed with its investigation and present evidence before a special grand jury.' The state attorney general's office praised the decision in an emailed statement and said it's committed to supporting survivors of sexual abuse. 'We are grateful for the New Jersey Supreme Court's decision this morning confirming what we have maintained throughout this lengthy court battle: that there was no basis to stop the State from pursuing a grand jury presentment on statewide sexual abuse by clergy,' First Assistant Attorney General Lyndsay V. Ruotolo said in an emailed statement. An email seeking comment was sent Monday to the Catholic League, an adcvocacy and civil rights organization that still opposed the grand jury after the diocese's change. A Pennsylvania grand jury report in 2018 found more than 1,000 children had been abused in that state since the 1940s, prompting the New Jersey attorney general to announce a similar investigation. The results of New Jersey's inquiry never became public partly because the legal battle with the Camden diocese was unfolding amid sealed proceedings. Then this year, the Bergen Record obtained documents disclosing that the diocese had tried to preempt a grand jury and a lower court agreed with the diocese. The core disagreement was whether a court rule permits grand juries in New Jersey to issue findings in cases involving private individuals. Trial and appellate courts found that isn't allowed. Hearing arguments on April 28, members of the high court repeatedly questioned whether challenging the state was premature, since lower court proceedings prevented New Jersey from seating a grand jury that would investigate any allegations or issue findings, called a presentment. 'We don't know what a grand jury would say, am I right?' Justice Anne Patterson asked the attorney for the diocese. Lloyd Levenson, the church's attorney, answered that 'you'd have to be Rip Van Winkle' not to know what the grand jury would say. 'The goal here is obviously to condemn the Catholic Church and priests and bishops,' he said. He noted the state could still pursue criminal investigations and abuse victims could seek civil penalties. The court said Monday it wasn't ruling on any underlying issues and a trial court judge would still have the chance to review the grand jury's findings before they became public. Mark Crawford, state director of the Survivors Network for those Abused by Priests, said Monday in a text message he's 'elated' by the court's decision. "Decades of crimes against children will finally be exposed," he said. How the diocese won early rulings In 2023, a trial court judge sided with the diocese, finding that a grand jury would lack authority because it would be focused on 'private conduct,' rather than a government agency's actions. An appeals court affirmed that judgment last year, and the attorney general's office appealed to the state Supreme Court. Documents the high court unsealed in March sketched out some of what the state's task force has found so far, without specific allegations. They show 550 phone calls alleging abuse from the 1940s to the 'recent past' came into a state-established hotline. The diocese argued a grand jury isn't needed, largely because of a 2002 memorandum of understanding between New Jersey Catholic dioceses and prosecutors. The memorandum required church officials to report abuse and said authorities would be provided with all relevant information about the allegations. But the Pennsylvania report led to reexamining the statute of limitations in New Jersey, where the time limits on childhood sex abuse claims were overhauled in 2019. The new law allows child victims to sue until they turn 55 or within seven years of their first realization that the abuse caused them harm. The previous statute of limitations was age 20, or two years after realizing abuse caused harm. Also in 2019, New Jersey's five Catholic dioceses listed more than 180 priests who have been credibly accused of sexually abusing minors over several decades. Many listed were deceased and others removed from ministry. The church has settled with accusers The Camden diocese, like others nationwide, filed for bankruptcy amid a torrent of lawsuits — up to 55, according to court records — after the statute of limitations was relaxed. In 2022, the diocese agreed to pay $87.5 million to settle allegations involving clergy sex abuse against some 300 accusers, one of the largest cash settlements involving the Catholic church in the U.S. The agreement, covering six southern New Jersey counties outside Philadelphia, exceeded the nearly $85 million settlement in 2003 in the clergy abuse scandal in Boston, but was less than settlements in California and Oregon.


Time Magazine
10 hours ago
- Time Magazine
‘They Just Walked Away': New Poll Shows How Badly Democrats Are Losing Christian Voters of All Stripes
This article is part of The D.C. Brief, TIME's politics newsletter. Sign up here to get stories like this sent to your inbox. For years, Doug Pagitt has been sounding the alarm to fellow Democrats about a perceived hostility toward voters of faith within the party, flagging a fetishing of secularism that is reshaping the electoral map to their detriment. Now, he's sending around the receipts to prove his point. Pagitt is a progressive pastor and the executive director of Vote Common Good, which focuses on mobilizing voters of faith. Recently, he commissioned one of the largest polls of Christian voters ever to quantify the mood of the nation's largest voting bloc. (Change Research, which counts major labor unions as clients and veterans of both Bill and Hillary Clinton as top hands, crunched the numbers last month. It runs with a standard margin of error of under 3 percentage points.) The results from more than 1,700 self-identified Christians—including Catholics and Mormons—offer plenty of reasons for Democrats still digging out from last year's electoral thumping to question some of their foundational assumptions about the voters they are struggling to win over. A shocking 75% of these Christian voters say that they have little or no trust in the Democratic Party, according to the data shared first with TIME. (By contrast, Republicans just about break even on that question.) A stunning 70% of these voters have little to no confidence in the federal government. And 61% of these voters think life in America is harder today for people of faith than it was 10 years ago. Taken as a whole, this dataset on 60 specific questions should set off flares for Democrats, who lost this group by a two-to-one margin in last year's presidential contest. 'You can't be the majority party if you ignore the majority faith in this country,' Pagitt tells me. 'We know there's this tension in the party.' Democrats have long struggled to make a space for faith within the party, or overcome a sense—especially in the consultant class and very-online activist set—that any embrace of religion is a threat to the party's brand of inclusivity. For millions of voters who hold their faith as a core piece of identity, this has created a political stumbling block. 'Republicans have made a concerted effort,' Pagitt says. 'Democrats have done everything they can never to name that identity. They have a built-in bias against these identities in the Democratic Party.' The polls are definitely trending away from Democrats on this question. In 2016, a full 75% of voters fell into the broad definition of Christian voters, according to exit polls. Trump carried the 27% of voters who identified as Protestants by a 59-36 margin and won the 23% of Catholic voters by a 50-46 split, while winning the 24% who called themselves 'Other Christian' by a 54-43 margin. In 2020, these voters accounted for 68% of the electorate, with Joe Biden—the nation's second-ever Catholic President—winning Catholics by a 52-47 split. Among other Christians, though, Donald Trump dominated with a 60-39 division, according to exit polls. And last year, with Christians accounting for 64% of the electorate Trump dominated Kamala Harris: he carried the 21% of the electorate that identifies as Catholics by a 59-39 margin, and the 43% of the electorate that identifies as generically Christian by a 63-36 margin, according to exit polls. To put all that in context, recall that Black voters are the most reliable members of the Democratic coalition and the Black Church is the only reason these numbers aren't even worse. While it is clear that the share of the electorate formally aligning with organized faith is shrinking, Pagitt smartly notes that membership with a local house of worship is not a prerequisite to being counted as a voter of faith. For a lot of Americans who have perhaps cut ties with local churches, that piece of their identity remains surprisingly durable. It's why the imprint of faith traditions last longer than any church directory. Grievance is certainly part of this puzzle. Pagitt's survey finds a full 50% of Christians say religion is losing influence in American life. And 60% of these Christian voters say they reliably back Republicans; 62% say they would never consider voting for a Democrat. Both the Democratic Party and its voters are seen as unfriendly toward Christianity. In Pagitt's survey, 58% of Christians see the Democratic Party as hostile to Christianity and 54% see the same traits among Democratic voters. By contrast, the same voters say the Republican Party is friendly to the tune of 70% and say the same about GOP voters at the rate of 72%. Pagitt is clear-eyed about what is possible given how much partisanship is baked into all this and how tough it is for brands to reboot. He's been working with candidates since Vote Common Good launched in 2018 to help progressive efforts connect with faith traditions and constantly has to face reluctance to tell their personal stories. But in training sessions regardless of locality, Pagitt boils down his message on faith outreach to six very simple words: 'I like you' and 'we need you.' Once that respect is signaled to voters of faith, Pagitt says, a conversation on substance is a whole lot easier. Still, it's not like Democrats are going to turn around trends in this super-majority voting bloc easily. 'They squandered it,' Pagitt says of the Democrats. 'They just walked away.' In turn, so too did Christian votes walk away from Democrats.


Hamilton Spectator
10 hours ago
- Hamilton Spectator
New Jersey can have a grand jury investigate clergy sex abuse allegations, state high court rules
TRENTON, N.J. (AP) — New Jersey can have a grand jury examine allegations of clergy sexually abusing children, the state's Supreme Court ruled Monday, after a Catholic diocese that had tried for years to block such proceedings recently reversed course. The Diocese of Camden previously had argued that a court rule prevents the state attorney general from impaneling a grand jury to issue findings in the state's investigation into decades of allegations against church officials. But the diocese notified the court in early May that it would no longer oppose that. Camden Bishop Joseph Williams, who took over the diocese in March, said he'd met with stakeholders in the diocese and there was unanimous consent to end the church's opposition to the grand jury. The seven-member Supreme Court concluded such a grand jury inquiry is allowed. A Pennsylvania grand jury report in 2018 found more than 1,000 children had been abused in that state since the 1940s, prompting the New Jersey attorney general to announce a similar investigation. The results of New Jersey's inquiry never became public partly because the legal battle with the Camden diocese was unfolding amid sealed proceedings. Then this year, the Bergen Record obtained documents disclosing that the diocese had tried to preempt a grand jury and a lower court agreed with the diocese. The core disagreement was whether a court rule permits grand juries in New Jersey to issue findings in cases involving private individuals. Trial and appellate courts found that isn't allowed. Hearing arguments on April 28, members of the high court repeatedly questioned whether challenging the state was premature, since lower court proceedings prevented New Jersey from seating a grand jury that would investigate any allegations or issue findings, called a presentment. 'We don't know what a grand jury would say, am I right?' Justice Anne Patterson asked the attorney for the diocese. Lloyd Levenson, the church's attorney, answered that 'you'd have to be Rip Van Winkle' not to know what the grand jury would say. 'The goal here is obviously to condemn the Catholic Church and priests and bishops,' he said. He noted the state could still pursue criminal investigations and abuse victims could seek civil penalties. Mark Crawford, state director of the Survivors Network for those Abused by Priests, said 'victims want their story heard.' 'They want to get in front of the grand jury and tell that story,' Crawford said. 'They want some level of accountability and acknowledgement.' In 2023, a trial court judge sided with the diocese, finding that a grand jury would lack authority because it would be focused on 'private conduct,' rather than a government agency's actions. An appeals court affirmed that judgment last year, and the attorney general's office appealed to the state Supreme Court. Documents the high court unsealed in March sketched out some of what the state's task force has found so far, without specific allegations. They show 550 phone calls alleging abuse from the 1940s to the 'recent past' came into a state-established hotline. The diocese argued a grand jury isn't needed, largely because of a 2002 memorandum of understanding between New Jersey Catholic dioceses and prosecutors. The memorandum required church officials to report abuse and said authorities would be provided with all relevant information about the allegations. But the Pennsylvania report led to reexamining the statute of limitations in New Jersey, where the time limits on childhood sex abuse claims were overhauled in 2019. The new law allows child victims to sue until they turn 55 or within seven years of their first realization that the abuse caused them harm. The previous statute of limitations was age 20, or two years after realizing abuse caused harm. Also in 2019, New Jersey's five Catholic dioceses listed more than 180 priests who have been credibly accused of sexually abusing minors over several decades. Many listed were deceased and others removed from ministry. The Camden diocese, like others nationwide, filed for bankruptcy amid a torrent of lawsuits — up to 55, according to court records — after the statute of limitations was relaxed. In 2022, the diocese agreed to pay $87.5 million to settle claims involving clergy sex abuse against some 300 accusers, one of the largest cash settlements involving the Catholic church in the U.S. The agreement, covering six southern New Jersey counties outside Philadelphia, exceeded the nearly $85 million settlement in 2003 in the clergy abuse scandal in Boston, but was less than settlements in California and Oregon. Error! Sorry, there was an error processing your request. 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