
How to bring down a storied think-tank? Humilation works.
A loyal Republican, the CEO had served several terms in Congress and as an American ambassador abroad before heading USAID in the first Trump administration.
Yet, in a moment, this man of considerable stature was reduced to ignominy.
Neither of us was a direct witness to the Wilson Center drama, but the emotions and the signals colleagues at the center took from this power play evoked communist Poland and resonated with our long combined experience in that country.
Authoritarian regimes use humiliation, intimidation and fear as a cudgel, tools of social control. The specific ways these blows are administered differ according to time and circumstances.
In this case, it sufficed to humiliate the most powerful person in the organization.
Wilson Center staff went proactively silent, even when approached by the press. This was not a lack of courage. Indeed, we believe it was a collective act of kindness.
No one wanted to put their more vulnerable colleagues at greater risk while sensitive negotiations were underway to secure severance and health care for people who needed to buy groceries and pay rent. Silence seemed to be a virtue.
And that is precisely what authoritarians count on. Uncertainty about the present and the future is what they exploit. Intimidation need not be explicit; indeed, it is often more powerful when victims must guess how far their tormentors are willing to go and are forced to act on limited knowledge.
Here is the Polish, 1980s version of how it happens, as one of us, then a Fulbright Scholar in martial law Poland, witnessed.
From the street sweeper to the head of a hospital, university, theater or government agency, everyone was forced to navigate a steady state of insecurity, uncertain what provocations could happen in the next day or hour. All of society was made aware that nothing was firmly guaranteed, neither jobs nor status, and especially not human dignity.
One day, university presidents were fired. The next day, the regime demanded that professors sign loyalty oaths or surrender their jobs. A respected journalist who dared, in guarded language, to report facts suddenly found himself a taxi driver to support his family.
The regime honored the law when it was convenient, flouted it when inconvenient. Poles called it 'uncertain tomorrow.'
This is a lesson. Humiliation can be imposed in a variety of ways: required oaths, a shocking fall from grace and position, a strip search, a searched apartment, being forced to stand in line for hours for basic food staples or watching any of that happen to family, friends and colleagues.
Whole books have been written seeking to understand how human beings respond to such conditions, whether they accept dependence or take the tougher road of refusal.
We do not think our country is Poland under communism yet. At the moment, humiliation is not a feature of every contact with the formal organs of our government, as it was there.
On the other hand, this is a new phenomenon for Americans who have, until now, been spared these specific systematic cruelties, hurled from official positions.
Now, in a time that could be a turning point, we need to school ourselves to understand and resist techniques that Trump instinctively grasps, but most Americans may not. In this strange new world of unrecognizable features, societal slides can happen rapidly, facilitated by naivety born of inexperience and denial.
It took days to reduce the Wilson Center from an internationally respected think-tank that reveled in its independence and intellectual leadership to a smoldering wreck, soon to be nonexistent. The pace of repeated indignities meant that, within days of April 1, new outrages relegated the Wilson Center putsch to obscurity.
As we write, public attention has moved on. In this reality, what is at first unthinkable soon becomes routine.
The struggles of the Polish people also offer an alternative of resistance and hope. What Poles sought from the Solidarity movement that coalesced in 1980 and set the stage for the new democracy that began to emerge in 1989 was, first among others, dignity — the antithesis of humiliation.
The Poles had to dig themselves out of a deeper hole than is currently our challenge; first the Nazi, and then the Communist regime supported by a powerful, armed neighbor.
Even so, they took to the streets. They pursued every possible means of peaceful opposition to confront oppression.
At this momentous historical juncture, our assignment as Americans is to find ways to turn our humiliation into action, to reclaim our dignity.
Ruth Greenspan Bell, according to her dismissal letter, is, until May 31, a public policy scholar at the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars. Janine R. Wedel, a social anthropologist in the Schar School at George Mason University, is the author of 'The Private Poland' and 'UNACCOUNTABLE: How the Establishment Corrupted Our Finances, Freedom, and Politics and Created an Outsider Class.'
Hashtags

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles
Yahoo
11 minutes ago
- Yahoo
Analysis-Easy to lose, hard to restore: US data trust on the line
By Andrea Shalal and Davide Barbuscia WASHINGTON/NEW YORK (Reuters) -Donald Trump's move to fire the head of the U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics has put trust in U.S. data reporting mechanisms on the line just as demand for reliable diagnoses of the health of the world's largest economy is bigger than ever. Examples from elsewhere show credibility is easily lost and hard to restore. A first test will be the choice to replace Erika McEntarfer, accused without evidence by Trump of manipulating U.S. job numbers after weaker-than-expected growth and large downward revisions were reported last week. "Imagine if one of your concerns is that there's a lackey in charge of the agency and the numbers are fake," said Michael Strain, director of economic policy studies at the conservative American Enterprise Institute, of an appointment Trump has said to expect within days. "That's a whole other level of problems." Policymakers, businesses and investors are scrambling to understand how Trump's attempt to up-end the global trade system will affect prices, employment and household wealth. Central banks, which once tried to guide market bets on rate moves months down the line, now say decisions are "data-dependent." The rub is that data collection is proving to be harder. Debt-laden governments have, as McEntarfer experienced, cut resources in their data departments; phone surveys, the go-to method for much macro research, are struggling to produce adequate samples as many households do without fixed lines. Trump's implicit accusation of partisanship by "this Biden Political Appointee" adds the troubling factor of a political dimension usually indicative of countries dogged by wider doubts over their democratic checks and balances. The key lesson from past examples of loss of data confidence is that it can take years for trust to be restored. 'MAN-MADE' NUMBERS When Argentina last year reported its first single-digit inflation in months, sceptics questioned the data and recalled the massive underreporting of inflation in the 2000s and 2010s for which it was censured by the International Monetary Fund. "They manipulated the data for a long time," said Aldo Abram of libertarian think tank Liberty and Progress Foundation in Buenos Aires. "It's logical people remember this and continue having doubts." Turkey has changed the head of its TUIK statistics institute four times since 2019, with opposition parties arguing the changes were political. Roger Marks, fixed income analyst at asset manager Ninety One, said the result for investors has been a "gradual erosion of our trust in the numbers." For Greece, whose efforts during the 2000s to conceal mounting public deficits fed that decade's sovereign debt crisis, it has been an equally long haul back to credibility. It required the overhaul of its ELSTAT statistics agency in 2016 and the creation of an international panel of experts to appoint its chief statistician - steps that have meant its hard-fought efforts to improve its budget are now unquestioned. It also prompted European governments to grant the Eurostat statistics arm of the European Union powers to check suspect national statistics reported to it. Longstanding doubts over the accuracy of Chinese statistics - with even former Premier Li Keqiang acknowledging in 2007 the country's output figures were man-made - have obscured genuine efforts to improve data quality, such as a new measure of youth unemployment excluding students that was released early in 2024. "There were genuine methodological reasons for the change, but because of the history around Chinese data a lot of people, particularly foreign investors, just didn't really trust that," Julian Evans-Pritchard, an analyst with Capital Economics. "That underscores to me that once you undermine confidence in the data, it is quite hard to restore that confidence." SPOILS SYSTEM Faced over the years with patchy official data, watchers of emerging economies have long sought to corroborate those numbers with other datasets. Capital Economics' China Activity Proxy is based on 18 indicators from freight traffic to electricity consumption. Another metric is found in the data and sentiment surveys provided by independent researchers in all the big economies. But they can only sketch in one perspective on the picture. "An awful lot of it is soft data: 'How do you feel? What do you think's going on?'" said Erik Weisman, chief economist and portfolio manager at MFS Investment Management in Boston. "They're not asking for specifics. They're not asking, how many widgets did you produce? How many insurance policies did you produce? How many hours worked?," he said, adding that the concerns raised by the sacking of McEntarfer could nonetheless force analysts to turn increasingly to those other sources. The most urgent question now is whether the breach in credibility which the Trump intervention has opened is now widened further or mended. Enrico Giovannini, former chief statistician for the Paris-based Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD), said there was more scope in the U.S. for political appointments of key statistics roles than in other advanced economies which tended to make long, fixed-term appointments. "So the incoming government has to wait (to replace them), said Giovannini, who has also served in two Italian governments. "In the U.S., the spoils system works," he said of the practice of party supporters getting rewarded with government jobs. The International Statistical Institute, a professional organization for data collectors, issued a statement late on Monday that said Trump's move violated U.N. principles aimed at protecting fact-based statistics and called on his government to take steps to restore public confidence in U.S. federal data. William Wiatrowski, the BLS' deputy commissioner, will serve as acting commissioner until a successor to McEntarfer is named. Beyond that choice, some fear that further dangers may emerge from a Trump executive order on federal hiring intended to reserve posts for candidates who can prove they are "dedicated to the furtherance of American ideals, values, and interests." Aaron Sojourner, a senior researcher at the W.E. Upjohn Institute for Employment Research, said such a move would, if passed by Congress, apply to many jobs in federal economic statistical agencies. "This proposal would convert many of those jobs into political jobs where people can be fired for any reason if they displease a political leader," Sojourner said. (Writing by Mark John; additional reporting by Claire Fu in Singapore, Marius Zaharia in Hong Kong, Karin Strohecker in London, David Lawder in Washington, Leila Miller in Buenos Aires; Lefteris Papadimas in Athens, Indradip Ghosh and Sarupya Ganguly in Bengaluru; editing by Paul Simao) Sign in to access your portfolio
Yahoo
11 minutes ago
- Yahoo
Ohio one of the Senate races to watch for 2026 election
President Donald Trump's agenda in the second half of his second term will hinge on whether Republicans can maintain control of Congress in next year's midterm elections. Ohio's Senate race could be a player in deciding which party controls the chamber. In the Senate, where the GOP has a slim 53-47 majority, being the party in charge is vital for the president and his ability to pass key legislation priorities and confirm nominees, including any potential Supreme Court vacancies. Get The Scoop: Sign up for our weekly Ohio politics newsletter Heading into 2026, congressional Republicans look to keep their legislative advantage but face the challenge of precedent. Often, the party that does not hold the White House fares better in midterm congressional elections. The Buckeye State represents one of Democrats' few pickup opportunities, and even then it will not be an easy flip. Republican Sen. Jon Husted was picked by Ohio's governor to fill the seat vacated by Vice President JD Vance at the start of the year, and Husted will be on the ballot next November to keep his spot. Husted has a long history in Ohio politics having served as lieutenant governor, secretary of state, speaker of the House and a state senator. Ohio has become reliably Republican in recent years, making the fight to flip it tough for Democrats. Democrats' best shot probably is former Democratic Sen. Sherrod Brown, who lost his bid for reelection last year to Sen. Bernie Moreno. In 2024, Moreno defeated Brown by less that four percentage points in the same election where Trump defeated Kamala Harris by more than 11 in Ohio. However, Trump is not on the ballot himself next year. During the midterm election in Trump's first term in 2018, Brown won reelection despite a Republican sweep of nonjudicial statewide races. Brown was first elected to the Senate in 2006 and also reelected in 2012. Brown previously served as a congressman, Ohio secretary of state and as a state lawmaker. The race between Brown and Moreno set a record as the most expensive non-presidential election in U.S. history with both sides spending more than $470 million total. In March, Brown announced he was forming a nonprofit that aims to highlight the plight of workers and push Republicans and Democrats to enact policies that benefit them. Axios reported that Brown met with Minority Leader Chuck Schumer in late July as part of the top Senate Democrat's efforts to lobby Brown to run again. Brown has also been named as a possible candidate for Ohio governor. Gov. Mike DeWine cannot run again due to term limits. Here are the other Senate races to watch across the country heading into the 2026 midterm elections. Open race in North Carolina set to be one of the most competitive North Carolina's two-term senior senator, Republican Thom Tillis, announced in June that he would not be seeking reelection. Already a top target for the Democrats, the North Carolina race was set to be one of the most competitive Senate battles in 2026, even with Tillis on the ballot. Now, the open seat has attracted high-profile contenders on both sides of the aisle. Former North Carolina Gov. Roy Cooper, a Democrat, announced his campaign formally on July 28 after weeks of speculation. On the Republican side, Lara Trump, the president's daughter-in-law and former co-chair of the Republican National Committee, said she considered jumping in. But after she announced July 24 that she would not run for the seat, President Trump gave his backing to Republican National Committee chair and former North Carolina GOP Chair Michael Whatley. Retirement makes Michigan Senate race a toss-up In Michigan, another retiring incumbent has set the stage for a toss-up race next year. Sen. Gary Peters, a Democrat, announced in January that he would not seek a third term. Republican Mike Rogers, a former congressman with Trump's endorsement, is his party's expected nominee. Rogers ran in 2024 and lost narrowly to Democratic Sen. Elissa Slotkin. Among Democrats, Rep. Haley Stevens and state Sen. Mallory McMorrow lead the pack of 2026 candidates. Republicans target Sen. Jon Ossoff in Georgia Georgia's Democratic Sen. Jon Ossoff must fend off a pack of conservative lawmakers to hang on to his seat in 2026. Alongside fellow Georgia Democrat Sen. Raphael Warnock, Ossoff won a runnoff election in January 2021 that secured him a first term in Congress and his party a chamber majority. Republicans looking to unseat him include Rep. Buddy Carter, a former pharmacist who represents the Savannah area. Carter was first to throw his red hat in the ring. But others, including Rep. Mike Collins, have since joined the contest. Carter and Collins are coveting Trump's support, an endorsement that could carry weight with Georgia's deep-red electorate pockets. GOP Senate primary race in Texas could shake things up Texas Republican Sen. John Cornyn stands a good chance of winning a fifth term against a Democratic challenger next November in the red-leaning Lone Star State. But first, he must make it through what is promising to be a tough primary against the state's attorney general, Ken Paxton. Cornyn has served in the Senate since 2002, but early polls showed him down double digits to Paxton. More: Texas AG Ken Paxton's wife files for divorce 'on biblical grounds' National Republicans have expressed concern that Paxton, who has faced indictments, impeachment and, more recently, a very public divorce, could cost the GOP their safely held Texas seat in a general election. Democrat and former Rep. Colin Allred, who ran unsuccessfully against Sen. Ted Cruz in 2024, has announced his campaign for 2026. Texas state Rep. James Talarico has said he is 'seriously considering' a run as well. Sen. Lindsey Graham facing GOP primary in South Carolina Sen. Lindsey Graham, a Republican from South Carolina, has also drawn a GOP challenger in his 2026 bid for reelection. Paul Dans, the original author of Project 2025, a sweeping conservative agenda to overhaul the federal government, announced his candidacy at an event in Charleston July 30. The primary contest will likely pit MAGA voters in the Palmetto State against one another. Though Graham has been a regular target of criticism from Trump − displeased by the lawmaker at times breaking from the GOP leader − he is now an ally to the president and has already received Trump's 'complete and total endorsement.' Dans' primary challenge will be an uphill battle. Should Graham come out on top, he is heavily favored to win a fifth term. A pack of Democrats are vying to face Graham or Dans in the general, though South Carolina is generally considered a safely red seat. Democrats see chance to pick up Maine Senate seat Sen. Susan Collins, R-Maine, is about to wrap her fifth term in the Senate, and while she has yet to formally announce her bid for reelection, many colleagues expect her to run again. Her position as one of the upper chamber's most independent voices has kept her in favor, and in office, with her left-leaning state, though Democrats still see this upcoming race as one of their top pickup opportunities if two-term Gov. Janet Mills decides to run. Collins has garnered a reputation for being one of the few congressional Republicans willing to tell Trump no. She voted against two of his major legislative priorities this summer – a sweeping tax and spending bill, as well as a $9 billion cut to public broadcasting and foreign aid funding – and has openly criticized some of the president's nominees. Willingness to oppose Trump typically comes with the president's full public ire – and often a MAGA-aligned primary opponent. But Collins is the only Republican senator to have won a state in which Democrats won the popular vote in 2024. Her unique position seems to, at least for now, have kept Trump from speaking out against who many view as the GOP's best chance to keep their seat in Maine. Several Democratic candidates have announced campaigns against Collins, including David Costello, who ran unsuccessfully against Maine's Independent Sen. Angus King in 2024. All eyes are most focused on Mills, the state governor who has also tussled with Trump but hasn't yet said whether she will run. Minnesota senator retiring, but state likely to stay with Democrats Minnesota's Democratic Sen. Tina Smith announced earlier this year that she plans to retire at the end of her term, calling the decision "entirely personal." With the state's blue tilt, Smith's seat has a good chance of staying in Democrats' hands. Minnesota Lt. Gov. Peggy Flanagan and Rep. Annie Craig are among the front-runners for their party's nomination. Minnesota Gov. Tim Walz, 2024 Democratic presidential nominee Kamala Harris' running mate, opted back in February not to run for the Senate. On the Republican side, former NBA player Royce White is running again after losing his bid against Sen. Amy Klobuchar in 2024. Former Navy SEAL Adam Schwarze has also announced his campaign for the GOP nomination. New Hampshire senator retiring creating open race Democratic Sen. Jeanne Shaheen of New Hampshire announced she would not be seeking another term in 2026 either. Democratic Rep. Chris Pappas, who launched his campaign in April, is widely seen as a strong contender to succeed Shaheen. Republican Scott Brown, a former Massachusetts senator and former ambassador to New Zealand and Samoa in Trump's first term, is among a handful of candidates competing on the GOP side. Like Minnesota, Cook Political Report has rated New Hampshire's race leaning Democrat. Iowa Senate seat likely to stay with GOP In Iowa, Sen. Joni Ernst, a Republican, has the advantage, with Cook Political Report rating her race likely Republican. Three Democrats so far have launched bids in hopes of beating those odds: Nathan Sage, the former chamber of commerce director from Knoxville; state Rep. J.D. Scholten; and state Sen. Zach Wahls. Nebraska Senate race could be surprisingly competitive Nebraska is widely seen as a Republican stronghold with incumbent GOP Sen. Pete Ricketts, though there could be a surprisingly competitive race in 2026 with Independent candidate Dan Osborn jumping back into a statewide election. Osborn came within 7 percentage points of beating Sen. Deb Fischer in 2024, a closer-than-expected margin in the GOP-dominated state. Osborn, a former labor leader, is a registered Independent but received campaign contributions from Democrats in his last campaign (money he told NBC he did not ask for). Ricketts, a former Nebraska governor and part owner with his family of the Chicago Cubs, is running for a full term after being appointed to the job in January 2023 upon the resignation of Republican Sen. Ben Sasse. USA TODAY Network Ohio Bureau Chief Anthony Shoemaker contributed to this report. This article originally appeared on USA TODAY: Will Ohio matter in race to control the U.S. Senate in 2026?
Yahoo
11 minutes ago
- Yahoo
Nebraska congressman Flood gets an earful over Trump's tax cut law in raucous Lincoln town hall
LINCOLN, Neb. (AP) — Rep. Mike Flood has gotten an earful during a public meeting in Lincoln aimed at discussing his support for the massive tax breaks and spending cuts bill that passed Congress and was signed into law by President Donald Trump. Flood, a second-term Republican who represents the GOP-leaning district that includes the University of Nebraska, on Monday braved the ire of a college town audience dominated by hundreds of people intent on expressing their displeasure chiefly with cuts to Medicaid benefits and tax reductions tilted toward the wealthy. Flood described the law as less than perfect but stood firm on its Medicaid and tax provisions, fueling a 90-minute barrage of jeers and chants in a scenario House Republican leaders have specifically advised GOP members to avoid. 'More than anything I truly believe this bill protects Medicaid for the future,' Flood said, setting off a shower of boos from the audience of roughly 700 in the University of Nebraska's Kimball Recital Hall. 'We protected Medicaid.' How voters receive the law, passed with no Democratic support in the narrowly GOP-controlled House and Senate, could go a long way to determine whether Republicans keep power in next year's midterm elections. Flood was resolute on his position but engaged with the audience at times. During his repeated discussions of Medicaid, he asked if people in the audience thought able-bodied Americans should be required to work. When many shouted their opposition, Flood replied, 'I don't think a majority of Nebraskans agree with that.' Dozens formed a line to the microphone to engage Flood, most asking pointed questions about the law but many others questioning moves by the Trump administration on immigration enforcement, education spending and layoffs within the federal bureaucracy. During Flood's discussion of his support of the law's tax provisions, which he argued would benefit the middle class, the audience exploded in a deafening chant of 'Tax the rich." Republican lawmakers' town halls have been few and far between since the bill passed early last month, in part because their leaders have advised them against it. Trump and others say the law will give the economy a jolt, but Democrats feel they've connected with criticism of many of its provisions, especially its cuts to Medicaid and tax cuts tilted toward the wealthy. Thomas Beaumont, The Associated Press