German Foreign Minister says recognising Palestinian state would send 'wrong signal'
Speaking at a Berlin press conference with his Israeli counterpart Gideon Saar, he said that "negotiations between Israel and the Palestinians must be concluded" first, before the recognition of a Palestinian state.
Spain, Ireland and Norway last year recognised a Palestinian state, and French President Emmanuel Macron has recently stepped up his support for the idea, leading Israel to accuse him of a "crusade against the Jewish state".
Last week Israeli Defence Minister Israel Katz vowed to build a "Jewish Israeli state" in the occupied West Bank, a day after the government announced the creation of 22 new settlements in the Palestinian territory.
Wadephul said Thursday that he was "concerned about the extremely tense situation in the West Bank" and that the German government "rejects" the creation of new Israel settlements there as illegal under international law.
He also said, on the Gaza war, that "too little" aid was reaching civilians in the war-torn territory, where the United Nations warned last month that the entire population was at risk of famine.
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Wadephul said he had renewed his "urgent request to allow humanitarian aid to Gaza" without restrictions as required by international law.
He also stressed that Israel has a right to defend itself against Hamas and other enemies, and that "therefore Germany will of course continue to support Israel with arms deliveries, that was never in doubt".
READ ALSO:
Germany and Israel mark 60 years of ties as Gaza war casts shadow
During his remarks on the topic at the Bundestag in Berlin on Wednesday, Wadephul was
interrupted by an activist
who yelled "Free Palestine" and "blood on your hands", in protest of Germany's continued support of Israel.
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DW
6 hours ago
- DW
Stymied French politicians turn to sins of the past – DW – 06/07/2025
Amid parliamentary deadlock, the politics of remembrance has gained momentum in France. Three new initiatives attempt to recognize and heal historical injustices — at least symbolically. On Thursday, two years after France's controversial retirement age increase, the National Assembly voted to withdraw the reform. While the news was politically explosive because the far-right National Rally helped the left-wing opposition gain a majority in the vote, the decision hasn't yielded any actual legal results. The situation reflects the country's ongoing failure to address structural reforms since the parliamentary elections last summer, which left the government won without an absolute majority. But in the area of remembrance policy there has been significant movement. In the same week as the toothless retirement resolution, parliamentarians adopted three texts that reclassify historical events or offer the prospect of reparations. Alfred Dreyfus, shown here in the 1930s, is considered a national hero by many French people today Image: epa/AFP/dpa/picture alliance Alfred Dreyfus posthumously promoted On June 2, the French parliament voted unanimously to posthumously appoint Alfred Dreyfus to the rank of brigadier general. The Jewish officer was wrongly accused of high treason in 1894, based on falsified evidence that he revealed military secrets to the German embassy in Paris. Dreyfus subsequently spent four years in the notorious Devil's Island penal colony off the coast of French Guiana. The Franco-German dimension of the case had explosive foreign policy implications even then. The suspect's Jewish origins and his family background in the Alsace-Lorraine region, which came under German rule after the Franco-Prussian War, and strained relations with Germany, made him an ideal target for the nationalist mistrust many French people harbored at the time. Writer Émile Zola famously sided with Dreyfus in his essay "J'accuse…!", which played a critical role in the officer's exoneration and military rehabilitation in 1906. Nevertheless, after serving in the First World War as a lieutenant colonel, Dreyfus was only reinstated at a lower rank. This posthumous promotion for Dreyfus still has to pass the Senate. Alsatian MP Charles Sitzenstuhl, a member of French President Emmanuel Macron's center-right Renaissance Party, who introduced the initiative, offered a link to the present as a warning: "The anti-Semitism that plagued Alfred Dreyfus is not a thing of the distant past," he said. In June 1954, Indochinese conscripts hastily erect new fortifications for French colonial forces in Phu Ly, south of Hanoi, Vietnam Image: AP/picture alliance Recognizing returnees from Indochina Just one day after the Dreyfus vote, the National Assembly also passed a law to recognize and compensate former returnees from French Indochina after the colonial rule of territories including Vietnam, Laos, and Cambodia ended in 1954. Around 44,000 people were repatriated to France, among them colonial officials, soldiers and their families, the descendants of French colonizers and local women, as well as local collaborators. Between 4,000 to 6,000 returnees ended up in temporary camps, which were often outfitted with wooden barracks that lacked heating and plumbing. Returnees were also subject to degrading policies that included bans on going out and owning cars or other luxury goods. The new law introduced by the left-wing Socialist Party now provides for financial support based on someone's length of stay in the camps. It is estimated that up to 1,600 people could claim compensation. Haiti is one of the world's poorest countries today Image: Java Reparations for Haiti? On June 5, the Assembly adopted a resolution addressing a "double debt" to Haiti that goes back to 1825. That was the year that France forced Haiti, which had declared independence in 1804, to pay compensation of 150 million gold francs. This was intended as a recognition of independence that would also compensate for the loss of French colonial possessions, including income from slaves. Haiti was forced to settle this "independence debt" over decades — a considerable economic burden that contributed to long-term poverty and instability on the island. The resolution, initiated by the Communist Party, calls for recognition, repayment and reparations for Haiti. But the text does not include concrete political steps or financial agreements. Nevertheless, the far-right National Rally voted against it. The "Senegalese riflemen," or "tirailleurs sénégalais," were a colonial infantry recruited by the French army during the First World War Image: The Print Collector/Heritage-Images/picture alliance A history of remembering Remembrance politics have some tradition in France. In 2001, the "Taubira" law, named after the parliamentarian who introduced it, recognized the slave trade and practice of slavery as crimes against humanity. The topic has been a part of school curricula in France ever since. In October 2006, the National Assembly passed a bill to criminalize the denial of the Armenian genocide of 1915 in the Ottoman Empire with a year in prison or fine of €45,000 ($51,300). The bill never came into force after it failed to pass in the Senate, and was followed by a similarly doomed initiative introduced under President Nicolas Sarkozy. That draft law passed both chambers of parliament, but was declared unconstitutional by the Constitutional Council in February 2012, which said that it amounted to unlawful interference with freedom of expression and research. Another example is the treatment of the so-called "Senegalese riflemen," the colonial soldiers from Africa who fought for France in the two world wars. For decades, many received significantly lower pensions than their French comrades, especially if they lived outside of France after decolonization. It was not until 2009 that President Sarkozy decreed an equalization of pension benefits, a step that held great symbolic significance. Social maturity or empty gestures? The latest spike in such initiatives has been met with mixed interpretations by political scientists. Some experts see the willingness to take historical responsibility as a form of social maturity. But others point out that in a politically paralyzed legislature, symbolic initiatives are easier to pass than structural reforms in areas such as pensions, education or the budget. This article was originally written in German.
DW
a day ago
- DW
EU asked to intervene as US sanctions deal fresh blow to ICC – DW – 06/06/2025
Fresh US sanctions will curb the ICC's capacity to work. With a Slovenian judge on the blacklist, calls for the EU to activate laws to block the sanctions are mounting. It was a consequential case of deja-vu in The Hague on Thursday, as the US issued fresh sanctions against judges at the International Criminal Court (ICC) over what it calls "illegitimate actions targeting the United States and Israel." The move is the latest in a series of diplomatic assaults on the ICC ostensibly aimed at curtailing the court's credibility and ability to function. The ICC has criticized the measure as "a clear attempt to undermine the indepedence of an international judicial institution." While the European Union (EU) has long defended the court as the "cornerstone of international justice," its member states' mixed response to ICC rulings in recent months has exposed cracks in the world's main mechanism for international criminal justice, and its capacity to act. Now calls for the bloc to use legal powers to counter US sanctions are mounting. US Secretary of State Marco Rubio announced the sanctions on Thursday Image: Mehmet Eser/Zuma/Imago Why is the US targeting the ICC? The new measures target four ICC judges. Two were involved in proceeding that led to an ICC arrest warrant against Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, among others, over alleged crimes and crimes against humanity in Gaza. Israel denies the allegations. The other two blacklisted judges were part of proceedings that authorized probes into alleged war crimes committed by US armed forces in Afghanistan. During Republican President Donald Trump's first term, the US had already targeted Khan's predecessor over an ICC probe into suspected war crimes in Afghanistan. The subsequent administration under President Joe Biden lifted the sanctions, and the ICC then "deprioritized" alleged US violations in its Afghanistan investigation in 2021. Thursday's new sanctions come on top of measures announced against the court's top prosecutor, Karim Khan, in February. They also come amid turbulent times for the court, with Khan having stepped back last month until a probe into sexual misconduct claims is complete. US citizens and firms are banned from doing business with the sanctioned judges Image: Peter Dejong/AP/picture alliance The ICC was set up in 2002 as a court of last resort to prosecute leaders and other key figures for atrocities when justice cannot, or will not, be served in their own countries. More than 120 nations, including all EU member states, voluntarily signed up to the international treaty which established the court. But China, Russia, the US and Israel are notable non-members — and Washington claims this as the basis for its sanctions. "The ICC is politicized and falsely claims unfettered discretion to investigate, charge, and prosecute nationals of the United States and our allies. This dangerous assertion and abuse of power infringes upon the sovereignty and national security of the United States and our allies," US Secretary of State Marco Rubio said in a statement on Thursday. How will sanctions impact the court? In response, the ICC said that its work "provides justice and hope to millions of victims of unimaginable atrocities." "Targeting those working for accountability does nothing to help civilians trapped in conflict. It only emboldens those who believe they can act with impunity," the court added. Under the sanctions, US businesses and citizens are banned from providing funds, goods or services to the blacklisted judges. Any assets they hold in the US are also frozen. But the implications don't stop there. The Associated Press wrote last month that the ICC's chief prosecutor had lost access to his emails and seen his bank accounts frozen. According to the report, these businesses had discontinued their services out of fear of being targeted by US authorities for supporting blacklisted indivduals. Some non-governmental organizations also reportedly stopped working with the court. Slovania has called on the EU to activate its so-called blocking statute after the US sanctioned a Slovenian judge Image: Yves Herman/REUTERS/REUTERS EU urged to activate laws to block sanctions The European Union said on Friday that it "deeply regrets" the US move and vowed to continue backing the ICC. But some hope the EU will take tougher action. Back in the 1990s, the EU laid out laws known as its "blocking statute" aimed at cushioning the extraterritorial blow of US measures. The legislation bans EU firms from complying with US sanctions the bloc deems illegal, and was designed to prevent US restrictions on Cuba from wiping out European trade with the country. The laws were later updated to include US sanctions on Iran. Now, Slovenia and Belgium are leading a call for the bloc's executive to activate the same laws against the newest US sanctions against the ICC. Slovenian judge Beti Hohler is among those on Washington's blacklist. Asked on Friday whether the European Commission would grant Slovenia's ask, spokesperson Olof Gill told reporters: "All we can do right now is closely monitor the implications before we decide any next steps." While it's up to the European Commission to determine if, how, and when it extends the blocking statute, Brussels will likely be weighing the potential political ramifications — and whether there is enough unity among EU capitals to back the move. An existential crisis at the ICC? It's a recurring theme, as EU member states are not on the same page about the ICC. While the central executive in Brussels regularly styles the bloc as the court's biggest backer, EU countries' actions tell a more complex story — one that adds to a growing sense that the court's future is full of uncertainty. Unlike national judiciaries, the ICC has no police service. Instead, it relies on members to hand over suspects who arrive on their territory. "The ICC is famously described as a giant without arms and legs — it cannot really enforce those arrest warrants. It's up to the political will of states," international criminal law lecturer Mathjiy Holvoet told DW earlier this year. In early 2025, Italy failed to arrest a Libyan police chief wanted by the ICC for alleged war crimes. Libya is seen as a crucial partner in Italy's bid to cut down irregular migration. Earlier this month, Hungary withdrew from the court after rolling out the red carpet for Netanyahu in apparent defiance of the ICC's arrest warrant. Hungary to withdraw from International Criminal Court To view this video please enable JavaScript, and consider upgrading to a web browser that supports HTML5 video Though other EU governments have issued statements of support for the ICC, several among them have also indicated Netanyahu would not be arrested should he visit their country. France has suggested the Israeli prime minister has immunity because Israel is not an ICC member, and Germany's chancellor said in February he would "find ways" to allow Netanyahu travel to Berlin. Edited by: Maren Sass
Local Germany
a day ago
- Local Germany
OPINION: It's high time Germany scrapped the rent brake
As Bundestag debates the planned second extension of Mietpreisbremse rent controls until 2029 and is almost certain to pass it, I have a question: isn't it actually high time we got rid of the 'rent brake'? Your first reaction – especially if you are one of the 50 percent of German households living in rental accommodation – might be to ask back: scrap legislation intended to limit rent price increases at a time when rents are shooting up? What are you, nuts? To which I would answer: rents have been shooting up ever since German cities were given the option of putting controls in place ten years ago. They've risen by almost 40 percent in my part of Hamburg, for instance, as this interactive infographic map illustrates , and Berlin is another story altogether … But surely, you might object, without the Mietpreisbremse , these rises would have been even worse? That can't be proved either way. After observing Germany's increasingly dysfunctional housing market for almost two decades now, however, I'd say: probably not. In fact, my creeping suspicion is that rent controls are ineffectual at best and, at worst, may actually be contributing to rises. Wait, so you think the Mietpreisbremse is making rents higher now…? No, please: hear me out! Ineffective on its own terms First off, experts agree that, even on its own terms, the Mietpreisbremse is ineffective – that's why those in favour of it usually also argue that it needs to be more stringent. In their current form, controls only apply to new rental contracts, and come with enough loopholes and exceptions that any landlord looking for one will find a semi-legal workaround. The easiest option is to either limit the length of the rental contract to less than one year or to part-furnish the letting – which has led to a market where unscrupulous operators are now demanding top-dollar for sticking a flat-pack wardrobe in the bedroom and then coming back for more a year later when the contract needs to be renewed. READ ALSO: Four scams to be aware of while navigating Germany's rental market Theoretically, this shouldn't be happening, of course. In Germany's tenant-friendly housing law, leases can only be time-limited if there is good reason – e.g. if the renter needs a short-term let for professional reasons – and any furnishings need to be high-value enough to warrant higher prices. Advertisement Yet for legal protections to apply, tenants have to know – and exercise – their rights. And as my colleague Paul Krantz has explained , even in simpler cases where the rent has been set too high on a standard lease, many who could challenge it do not – for lack of understanding, lack of time and energy, or lack of confidence confronting a potentially Scrooge-like landlord. A man hangs up his keys in a Berlin apartment. Photo: picture alliance/dpa/dpa-Zentralbild | Kira Hofmann Then there are the grey areas where well-meaning letters can easily end up unintentionally contravening the Mietpreisbremse . Under the rule, rents should not exceed a local average price by more than ten percent in tight housing market areas. But local rental averages are determined in rent price indexs – Mietenspiegel – which themselves are for more complicated than many assume: this is Germany, after all. In Hamburg, for example, figures are declined in a detailed table according to the specific location of buildings and when they were completed, leaving ranges of between €3 and €5 per square metre to take account of amenities such as balconies, bathtubs, and bicycle cellars… What is more, the Mietpreisbremse doesn't apply when significant works have been carried out prior to letting: but what does 'significant' actually mean? You might not be surprised to learn that, in cases which have gone to court, complicated formulae have been applied and a range of factors taken into account… The upshot is now that, to be sure of being able to make back money invested, law-abiding landlords are now likely to have more work done than might be strictly necessary (and then need to set rent even higher to recoup the extra costs…). Others, meanwhile, simply do the place up on the cheap and hope that tenants never challenge them to show their receipts. Setting the wrong incentives Why wouldn't they try? After all, once they are out of Mietpreisbremse territory, the sky is the limit – so the clear incentive for landlords is to look for any way to get an apartment out of regulatory purview and then set rent at market rates. Or, simply, to invest in new-builds, which are wholly exempt from rental controls – and rarely available for under €20 per square metre. Advertisement In this way, the Mietpreisbremse is entrenching a two-speed rental market where high-earning tenants with good credit records have their pick of snazzy new-builds and souped-up Altbau flats while those lower down the socio-economic scale are left fighting for increasingly pricey scraps. As I've written before, it's a trust issue : anyone with a flat to let is now acutely aware that its rental value is capped even as inflation, wages, and market values aren't. So increasingly, landlords max out the 10% the Mietpreisbremse allows – and then make use of all legal options to keep upping the rent. That is one reason so many new rentals are now using the unloved Staffelmiete (defined raises every year) and Indexmiete inflation-linked contracts, which allow for increases of 15 or 20 percent in a three-year period. Previously, it was standard practice – especially among ethically-minded private owners – to issue standard contracts and leave rents more or less untouched for sitting tenants before upping them on re-letting. Now, as rents continue to soar but the Mietpreisbremse limits raises, many private landlords are, perversely, having to hike rents in existing leases to avoid trouble with the Finanzamt further down the line: not charging market rates is, of course, considered a form of tax avoidance. These in-tenancy rises then drag up the averages on which the 10 percent maximum is calculated, and so the 'rent brake' is being applied at the same time as the price accelerator. Advertisement Overly-complex – and potentially unconstitutional This reveals the fundamental problem with rental controls. Like it or not, Germany's rental market is just that – a market. Yet by selling off swathes of social housing stock over recent decades, many major cities have deprived themselves of the best means of slowing price rises in this market -- offering affordable rental accommodation to those who need it. Instead, they now find themselves shelling out huge sums in housing benefit – Wohngeld – to low-income households and hoping that middle-income tenants have the gumption and courage to apply the complicated Mietpreisbremse themselves. All of this, meanwhile, puts the majority of well-meaning landlords at a disadvantage and encourages those with the ways and means to maximise revenue (or to simply ignore the system). No wonder rents are going up faster than ever. A view of flats in Hamburg. Photo: picture alliance/dpa | Daniel Bockwoldt So for me, it's simple: the Mietpreisbremse should be scrapped. Even in this market, asking rents currently can't go much higher – prospective tenants can no longer afford them on their wages – and there is every reason to suspect that the legislation may actually have pushed prices to this point faster than would otherwise have been the case. This, in turn, is contributing to stasis as people are forced to stay put and make do , with vacancies in most cities far below the 1 percent generally considered the minimum necessary for a functioning rental market. What is more, the Mietpreisbremse will eventually become unconstitutional: in our market economy, the state is not allowed to use price-fixing legislation to force a lasting devaluation of assets. Advertisement Thus far, Karlsruhe has accepted the rent controls because they are temporary, being implemented for defined periods of time. Yet when this planned extension reaches its term in 2029, the measures will have been in place for almost 15 years – making them 'temporary' in the same way that the exceptionally ugly shelving unit I 'temporarily' put in my hallway when we moved in 2010 is still 'temporary' one-and-a-half decades on. Mercifully, we haven't had our rent raised since then. Then again, we moved in before the Mietpreisbremse and paid top-whack in the first few years. That's how things used to work. Our newer neighbours, however, all seem to get regular rent increases. Call me crazy, but…
