
Only Federalism Can Save Syria—and Perhaps the Middle East
Despite his hollow promises, Ahmed al-Sharaa has failed miserably in protecting Syria's vulnerable minorities. His brief rule has not ushered in a new era of inclusion or reconciliation, but one of betrayal and brutality. Many minorities across Syria—from Christians to Alawites, Druze to Kurds—no longer see Sharaa as a protector but as a former ISIS affiliate in a business suit.
Since unilaterally appointing himself as Syria's interim president, hundreds from these communities have been killed. Nowhere is his failure more glaring than in Sweida, where government forces dispatched to quell violence between Sunni Bedouins and the Druze ended up siding with the Bedouins. Instead of restoring order, they executed Druze civilians at gunpoint, looted homes, and set them ablaze. These actions confirm what many Syrians have long feared: Sharaa has no intention to govern for all Syrians—only to consolidate power under the guise of security.
In this climate of deep mistrust and sectarian tension, the idea of a strong, centralized government led by one faction is no longer tenable. Syria needs a new path forward—one that gives every group a stake in the country's future while ensuring local governance, autonomy, and protection. That path is federalism.
Federalism is a system of government in which power is divided between a central authority and smaller political units—such as states, provinces, or cantons. Each unit maintains a degree of autonomy to govern its own affairs, particularly in areas like education, policing, and culture, while still being part of a unified national framework.
It is a model that has proven successful in multi-ethnic and multi-religious countries. Perhaps the best example is
Switzerland
. Despite its linguistic, cultural, and religious diversity, Switzerland has remained peaceful, democratic, and united—not in spite of its differences, but because it embraced them. The Swiss Confederation consists of 26 cantons, each with its own constitution, government, and even police force. Yet all are bound together under a federal government that handles foreign policy, national defense, and major economic policies. It is a country where French, German, Italian, and Romansh speakers coexist harmoniously—not because they were forced to live under a single ruler, but because they were empowered to manage their own affairs within a shared federal system.
Syria, like Switzerland, is a patchwork of identities, religions, and histories. Trying to force all Syrians into one mold, under one ruler or one ideology, has only led to tyranny and civil war. But imagine a Syria divided into six or seven cantons—each corresponding to the main communities: Sunni Arabs, Alawites, Druze, Christians, Kurds, and possibly others based on geography and population. Each canton would have the right to govern local affairs, protect its cultural heritage, manage its own security, and elect local officials. Meanwhile, a federal government in Damascus—or a new, neutral capital—would oversee defense, foreign relations, currency, and the rule of law across cantons.
Such a system would offer each group what they crave most:
dignity, safety, and a voice
. It would neutralize the fear of domination by any one group, reduce the risk of sectarian violence, and provide a framework for peaceful coexistence. It would also promote accountability and economic development at the local level, as communities would have more control over their resources and priorities.
The case for federalism doesn't stop at Syria. Other fragile states in the Middle East—
Lebanon
and
Iraq
in particular—are equally in need of a political rethink. In both countries, sectarianism has hollowed out the state, paralyzed reform, and fueled cycles of corruption and violence. In Lebanon, the confessional power-sharing system has become a recipe for gridlock, rewarding patronage rather than competence. In Iraq, the central government in Baghdad has often clashed with Kurdish aspirations and Sunni marginalization, leading to conflict and chaos. Federalism offers a chance to rebuild these nations—not by erasing their diversity, but by institutionalizing it. By giving each community the power to govern its own affairs while remaining part of a unified state, federalism can foster both
local autonomy
and
national stability
. It's not a magic solution, but it's far better than the broken systems currently in place.
The dream of a united, inclusive Syria cannot be built on the backs of minorities who feel hunted and betrayed. It cannot rest in the hands of leaders who claim power without legitimacy. It must be rooted in a political system that protects all Syrians equally and gives each group the autonomy to thrive.
Federalism is not a partition of Syria—it is the saving of it. It is not a threat to national unity—it is the only path to genuine unity through mutual respect and self-determination. Switzerland is living proof that federalism can transform a fragmented land into a functioning, peaceful, and prosperous country.
Syria deserves the same chance. And so do Lebanon and Iraq. The time for federalism is now.

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LBCI
25 minutes ago
- LBCI
Thousands displaced in Sweida as fighting fuels concern over lasting division
Report by Yazbeck Wehbe, English adaptation by Laetithia Harb Around 3,000 families, mostly from Bedouin communities, have fled the southern Syrian province of Sweida over the past two days, heading toward Daraa and the Damascus countryside. The mass departure follows intense clashes, leaving uncertainty over whether the displacement will be temporary or prolonged until full stability is restored. Many of the displaced fear the move could amount to forced displacement, potentially setting the stage for demographic changes on the ground. Sweida, home to approximately 570,000 people, is predominantly Druze, accounting for around 85% of the population, with Sunni Bedouins and a small Christian minority making up the rest of the population. The recent eight-day conflict—between Druze groups and Bedouin tribes backed by the Syrian government and extremist factions—has been described as the most violent the region has seen in decades. However, beyond the immediate violence, concerns are growing that the aftermath could entrench sectarian and religious divisions. Despite uniting in response to what many perceived as a government threat to their existence, Druze leadership remains divided. Syria's Druze leader Sheikh Hikmat al-Hijri, who opposes Damascus and maintains ties with Israeli Druze leader Sheikh Muwaffaq Tarif, stands apart from Sheikhs Hammoud al-Hinnawi and Yousef Jarbou, who reject any separatist aspirations. Meanwhile, Sheikh Laith al-Balous, who leads the "Sheikh al-Karama Forces," is seen as closer to the government. These internal divisions now stand at a critical crossroads. Whether Druze leaders can overcome their differences remains to be seen—echoing the warning that 'a nation divided against itself cannot stand.' Druze elders warn that if displaced Arab tribes do not return soon, there could be retaliatory displacement of Druze communities living in Damascus suburbs like Jaramana and Sahnaya, potentially toward Sweida. Such a shift would risk redrawing the area's demographic map—one that some fear could align with external agendas, including those of Israel. Amid this uncertainty, Druze leadership is under pressure to de-escalate tensions and address both immediate and long-standing grievances. The situation also poses a significant test for President Ahmed al-Sharaa's government, which must work to restore trust with Jabal al-Arab, resolve the underlying crisis, and promote a sustainable framework for coexistence—one that protects Syria's social fabric and limits foreign interference. Suppose calm is not restored quickly and root causes are not addressed. In that case, the risk of the conflict spreading into neighboring Lebanon remains—despite repeated assurances from Lebanese political and religious leaders that the situation is contained.


L'Orient-Le Jour
5 hours ago
- L'Orient-Le Jour
Syrian American Druze killed in Sweida
BEIRUT — A U.S. citizen was killed last week during sectarian clashes between pro-government Sunni Bedouin tribes and Druze factions in Syria's Sweida province, the State Department confirmed Monday. According to the Syrian Observatory for Human Rights, more than 1,260 people have been killed in these clashes, which began July 13 between Druze militiamen and Sunni Bedouin fighters in Sweida, backed by government forces deployed in the city by order of Damascus' authorities. The latest toll provided by the NGO Monday evening reports 505 Druze fighters and 298 Druze civilians killed, including 194 "summarily executed by members of the Defense and Interior Ministries." The toll also includes 408 members of government security forces and 35 Sunni Bedouins, including three civilians "summarily executed by Druze fighters." In addition, 15 government soldiers were killed in Israeli airstrikes, according to the Observatory. 'He was supposed to return to the USA at the end of the month' Among the civilian victims is the Syrian American, Houssam Saraya, a 35-year-old Druze. Contacted by the Washington-based media outlet al-Monitor, a State Department official confirmed Monday the death of an American citizen in Sweida, without identifying him. "We are deeply saddened by the death of Houssam Saraya, tragically executed along with other members of his family in Syria," Oklahoma Republican Senator James Lankford, where the victim had resided in the U.S., confirmed on X. "We pray for his family, friends and the entire Druze community mourning this senseless loss," he added. Photos of Houssam Saraya's American passport also circulated widely on social media, as did videos purportedly showing his execution in a public square in Sweida. In footage posted online on Wednesday, July 16 — the day after Syrian government forces entered the city — a man in his thirties is seen being forced to walk in a single line down a street with seven other people. They are under threat from armed men, some dressed in military fatigues. Moments later, the group is coldly executed by bursts of automatic gunfire in Techrine Square, downtown. The gunmen shout "Allahu akbar" as the executions take place. The military uniforms worn by some of the assailants appear to indicate they are members of government forces. A source close to the family confirmed the authenticity of these videos to L'Orient Today. The person said that several members of the Saraya family, including Houssam, were indeed killed in Techrine Square on July 16. Among the eight people lined up at the time of the execution, one survived, she said. Contacted by phone Tuesday by L'Orient Today, a relative of the victim, who requested anonymity, said Houssam Saraya received American citizenship five years ago after earning his master's degree at Oklahoma Christian University in 2016. He subsequently founded an online teaching platform aimed at Syrian students. This relative confirmed that other Saraya family members were also executed, including Houssam's brother, Karim, and father, Ghassan, the only one holding American nationality. Other victims were named Walid, Yehya, Ali and Ismail, all cousins of the Saraya family. "They (the assailants) stormed the house Wednesday morning and forcibly took all the men there. We found their bodies the next day and then buried them," the relative said. "Houssam returned to Sweida about a year ago to care for his sick father. He was supposed to return to the United States at the end of the month," she said. On Friday, U.N. High Commissioner for Human Rights Volker Turk stated there are "credible reports" that Syrian government forces, as well as Druze and local Bedouin fighters, committed "arbitrary executions, abductions and looting" during this latest wave of large-scale violence that has bereaved Syria since the fall of the Assad regime last December. 'Bring the perpetrators to justice' This third round of sectarian bloodshed, after the attack in March against the Alawite community on the Syrian coast, and then (again) the Druze community in late April on the outskirts of Damascus, has led to the forced displacement of more than 128,500 people since it began July 13. A fragile truce, supported by the United States, took effect July 17 after Damascus withdrew its forces from the southern province, where a precarious calm has since returned this weekend after security was officially handed over to local Druze factions by the Syrian government led by Ahmad al-Sharaa. On Saturday, the U.S. envoy for Lebanon and Syria, Tom Barrack, also announced a cease-fire between Syria and Israel, which had carried out airstrikes targeting Syrian security forces in Sweida as well as several government buildings in Damascus. For his part, U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio called on Damascus to "mobilize its forces to prevent violent jihadists from committing massacres" and to "bring those found guilty of atrocities to justice, including within [its] own ranks."


L'Orient-Le Jour
13 hours ago
- L'Orient-Le Jour
'Sweida cannot live without Syria': Mustafa Bakkur, province governor
After several days of clashes between Druze fighters and Bedouins, a fragile cease-fire took effect Sunday in the province of Sweida, in southern Syria. Despite this lull, the already tenuous connection between Damascus — whose security forces intervened in support of Bedouin factions — and the Druze community appears to be to the Syrian Observatory for Human Rights, the violence has left more than 1,100 dead, including 427 fighters and 298 Druze civilians. On the other side, 354 government forces and 21 Bedouins were killed. According to the International Organization for Migration, nearly 128,000 people have been displaced by the violence and now fear they may never be able to return home.L'Orient-Le Jour spoke with Mustafa Bakkur, governor of Sweida, during his visit to the city of Izraa (Daraa province) on...