'You have clothes, shoes, mobile phones because of us': BJP MLA sparks row with remarks
Speaking at a function on 'Har Ghar Solar' scheme in his assembly constituency Partur in Jalna district of central Maharashtra, the former state minister highlighted the BJP-led government's welfare schemes and development work, and went on to berate the critics of his party.
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Time of India
35 minutes ago
- Time of India
Jagan: Govt pushing state into ‘debt trap'
Vijayawada: Former chief minister on Thursday alleged that the state govt's lack of fiscal discipline and disregard for constitutional framework is pushing the state into a debt trap. Tired of too many ads? go ad free now He said the APMDC non-convertible debentures (NCDs) bonds were issued at a coupon (interest) rate as high as 9.30%, which is 2.60% higher than the prevailing SDL rate. In a post on microblogging platform X, tagging Union finance minister Nirmala Sitaraman and the PMO, Jagan alleged that APMDC concluded the second tranche of its NCD (bond) issuance at a coupon (interest) rate of 9.30% to raise 5,526 crore, taking the aggregate value of the issuance to 9,000 crore on Wednesday (June 25). He said this is second instalment of APMDC going for NCDs in violation of treasury rules. "The govt went ahead with the issuance of NCDs despite the matter being admitted by the AP high court and notices served. It is quite apparent that the proceeds of the issuance would be utilized to finance govt revenue expenditure," he said. He further stated that the TDP-led NDA govt granted private parties access to the consolidated funds of the state through RBI direct debit mandate, owing to which, private parties can access the state exchequer and withdraw funds without any requirement of any action from the govt officials. He alleged that it was a blatant violation of articles 203, 204 and 293(1) of the Constitution of India. The govt also mortgaged mineral wealth worth 1,91,000 crore for NCD (bond) issuances of aggregate value 9,000 crore, Jagan further claimed. He alleged that the additional yearly burden on APMDC is to the tune of 235 crore due to the high interest rate, and the term of NCDs is understood to be 10 years. With NCD issuance, the total budget and off-budget borrowings availed and secured in this 13-month period by the TDP alliance govt exceeded 50% of what was borrowed by the previous govt over a five-year period, the YSRCP chief alleged.
The Wire
an hour ago
- The Wire
SAD leader Bikram Singh Majithia's Arrest in ‘Drug Money' Case Sparks Political Storm in Punjab
Jalandhar: The arrest of Shiromani Akali Dal (SAD) leader Bikram Singh Majithia by a team of Punjab vigilance bureau (VB) from his house in Amritsar on Wednesday, June 25, has led to a political storm in the state, bringing him, the scourge of drugs and Punjab politics around it into the spotlight once again. A raid by VB officials was also conducted at the leader's Chandigarh residence. Majithia, who was produced in the court on Thursday morning, was remanded to seven-day vigilance custody. His wife, Ganieve Kaur Majithia, is the sitting MLA from his home turf Majitha assembly constituency in Amritsar. In the videos of the raid that have surfaced on social media, purportedly filmed by her, Majithia is seen confronting the officials about their identity and questioning why they were not in uniform. An FIR was filed against the SAD leader under sections 13 (1) (b) and 13 (2) of The Prevention of Corruption Act, 2018, by the VB by assistant inspector general Swarandeep Singh, VB Bureau, Flying Squad-1, Punjab, SAS Nagar. Singh was recently reinstated after being suspended, along with another Punjab Police officer, in a driving license scam in May. Majithia's arrest comes in the backdrop of Aam Aadmi Party (AAP)-led Punjab government's ' Yudh Nasheya Virudh' (war against drugs) campaign launched on March 1, 2025, as part of which properties allegedly belonging to drug peddlers were razed using bulldozers. Majithia was among leaders in the opposition SAD and Congress who were targeting the AAP government for its failure to curb drugs. However, this time, the Delhi-based 'Saraya Industries', owned by his father Satyajit Singh Majithia, his elder brother Gurmeher Singh Majithia and Deepak Khajuria, came under the scanner. Punjab's drug menace Punjab's drugs menace has been a political and legal issue for over a decade. The first FIR in a notorious Rs 6,000-crore synthetic drugs case was lodged at Fatehgarh Sahib district in 2012. In 2014, the scandal led to a political storm when now-dismissed Punjab Police wrestler-cum-deputy superintendent of police (DSP) Jagdish Bhola, a prime accused in the scandal, named Majithia during a court hearing. As drugs remained a major political talking point in Punjab, both AAP and the Congress milked the issue for electoral gains. The AAP leaders, in particular, linked Majithia with drug trade. Irked by AAP leaders tarnishing his image, Majithia also filed a criminal defamation case against party supremo Arvind Kejriwal, Ashish Khetan and Sanjay Singh in 2016. In March 2018, both Kejriwal and Khetan had to retract their statements and submitted a written apology in the court. Meanwhile, Sanjay Singh is still fighting the case. Majithia, who is the brother-in-law of SAD president Sukhbir Singh Badal was the revenue minister of Punjab, under the previous SAD-BJP government. Further, in the run up to the 2022 assembly elections, ex-chief minister Charanjit Singh Channi had lodged an FIR against him in December 2021. The VB's action is in connection with the same FIR from 2021, in which Majithia was sent to jail for three months. 'More big fish will be caught soon,' says Punjab CM A day after the arrest of Majithia, Punjab chief minister Bhagwant Mann held a press conference in the disproportionate assets case against Bikram Majithia and said, 'Till now, they were saying that we are not catching the big fish, now they are saying this is political vendetta. However big or politically influential a person may be, I am not going to have pity on anybody. Even if they are the president of any party, they will be brought to book.' Without naming Majithia, Mann said that his government acted with strong evidence in hand. 'All those who went to jail, around 80/90% of them could never get bail. Those who have a misconception that they have got the right 'contacts' to evade arrest, nothing will work. Here, the VB and Punjab Police will come and culprits will be punished. People were fed up with drug menace,' he said, adding that his government is fighting ' Yudh Nasheyan Virudh' and they were getting a thumping response from the villages. Mann also expressed fear during the press conference that there could be a threat to his life. ' Chahe wo mera bhi koi nuksan karna chahte ho (Even if they want to harm me), I will continue the war against drugs', he said. 30 mobile phones, five laptops, three ipads, two desktops and property documents seized In its statement on June 25, the VB stated that investigations by the SIT probing the December 2021 FIR, registered under section 25, 27-A and 29 of the NDPS Act, 1985, and the Vigilance Bureau, revealed massive laundering of drug money facilitated by Majithia. 'Preliminary investigations reveal that more than Rs 540 crores of drug money has been laundered through several ways, including huge unaccounted cash worth Rs 161 crores deposited in bank accounts of companies controlled by Bikram Singh Majithia, channelization of Rs 141 crores through suspected foreign entities, excess deposition of Rs 236 crores without disclosure/explanation in company financial statements, and acquisition of movable/immovable assets by Bikram Singh Majithia without any legitimate source of income,' the statement read. A VB spokesperson said that these transactions were being investigated by the bureau and the SIT probe also clearly indicated that these funds were used to launder drug money, funneled into 'Saraya Industries' and facilitated by Majithia. 'So far, Rs 540 crores drug money has been tracked as having been generated illegally and by using the influence of Bikram Singh Majithia as a public servant, being an MLA and holding a cabinet post in the erstwhile Punjab government. The assets, including both immovable/movable in the name of Bikram Singh Majithia and his wife Genieve Kaur have increased substantially for which no legitimate source of income has been provided,' the spokesperson said. According to the VB spokesperson, the SIT conducted searches and seizures of 22 persons and the VB raided three locations which yielded 30 mobile phones, five laptops, three ipads, two desktops, several diaries, many property documents and documents of Saraya Industries. The spokesperson added that Bikram Singh Majithia was arrested by the VB in accordance with law after following due procedure. 'Investigations are going on and more arrests, searches and seizures would take place. The investigation would be taken to its logical conclusion by submitting all collected evidence before the court of competent jurisdiction for judicial verdict,' the spokesperson added. SAD MLAs question arrest of Majithia Addressing a press conference on June 26, Thursday, senior SAD leaders Balwinder Singh Bhundar, Maheshinder Singh Grewal and party spokesperson Daljit Singh Cheema said that the AAP government had violated the law by registering a disproportionate assets case against senior leader Bikram Singh Majithia without holding either a preliminary or regular probe. They also accused the AAP government of indulging in political vendetta to gag Majithia as well as divert attention from the failure of its anti-drugs drive. They said that the Bhagwant Mann-led government was misleading Punjabis and committing contempt of court by saying that Majithia had been arrested in a Rs 540 crore drug case. 'This is not only absurd but a bundle of lies for which the AAP leaders will be held accountable,' said Maheshinder Grewal, adding that the government should tell why it has not released a single complaint with regard to the Rs 540 crore figure it had concocted in either the FIR or otherwise. Grewal noted that the public prosecutor said today that only a disproportionate assets case had been registered against Majithia. 'Even this is fabricated. The properties mentioned in the complaint were in the Majithia family even before Bikram Majithia was born. The Majithia family is an ancestrally rich family with Bikram Majithia's grandfather owning aircrafts and even a Rolls Royce car way back in the 1950s. It has also been wrongly imputed that Bikram Majithia was responsible for decision making in the Saraya Industries as he had resigned as a Director of the Company in 2007,' he added. Party spokesperson Daljeet Cheema said that the allegations made in the new case against Majithia were submitted to the Supreme Court also while seeking to cancel the bail given to the Akali leader in a NDPS case. 'The Supreme Court did not take cognisance of the allegations and now they have been recycled and turned into a new case,' he alleged. Cheema also said that an 'Emergency-like situation' was created at the Mohali court, as a heavy posse of police was deployed at all the gates, not allowing anybody to go inside. He thanked the opposition, especially Congress leader Sukhpal Khaira, who reached Majithia's house yesterday to express solidarity with him. Following Majithia's arrest, his sister and Bathinda MP Harsimrat Kaur Badal, and his brother-in-law, SAD president Sukhbir Singh Badal, condemned the AAP government for witch hunt and termed it political vendetta. Harsimrat Kaur Badal pointed out that her brother was known for daring to expose the AAP government, whether it was the wrongdoings, or objectionable videos of its ministers. She reminded CM Mann that it was AAP national president Arvind Kejriwal who had sought a written apology from her brother. She challenged him saying, 'Even after a 1.5 years, when you [Mann] run away from the country, the SAD will bring you back to ensure justice to all.' AAP MLA also questions arrest Interestingly, AAP MLA from Amritsar North, Kunwar Vijay Pratap Singh questioned the rationale of arresting Majithia now whereas he was already jailed for three months when an FIR was lodged against him by former CM Channi in 2021. 'I might have political differences but the Bhagwant Mann government did not seek remand or question him. Later, Mann government's officials provided him bail. The high court had granted bail on the grounds that if Majithia was not wanted for questioning, it was illegal to keep him in jail. However, now notices were being issued, raids were being conducted and the dignity of the women in the house was being violated. This is no longer about politics, it is about principles, ethics, and decency,' he said in a post on Facebook, showing possible signs of cracks within the party. Earlier, Shiromani Gurdwara Parbandhak Committee (SGPC) president Harjinder Singh Dhami too had termed the arrest of Majithia as 'politically driven' by Punjab government's frustration and vindictiveness. 'If there was a need for investigation or questioning, proper legal procedures should have been followed,' he said.
India Today
an hour ago
- India Today
Rahul Gandhi may be wrong on Maharashtra poll fixing, but EC must come clean with data
The credibility of India's electoral democracy hangs in delicate balance as the Congress and the Election Commission (EC) engage in a high-stakes confrontation over the fairness of the Maharashtra assembly elections last year. While Congress leader Rahul Gandhi's allegations of electoral manipulation suffer from selective data interpretation, the EC's dismissive responses equally fail to address legitimate concerns with substantive evidence. This impasse threatens the very foundation of public trust in India's electoral June 26, the Congress escalated its demands, calling for the EC to provide 'digital, machine-readable' copies of Maharashtra's voter lists from both the 2024 Lok Sabha and assembly elections, along with CCTV footage from polling day. This demand came through the EAGLE (Empowered Action Group of Leaders and Experts) team, established specifically to coordinate electoral matters between the Indian National Congress and the Congress letter to the EC came in response to the poll body's June 12 invitation to Rahul for a discussion aimed at resolving confusion over the assembly poll has consistently claimed that the assembly elections in Maharashtra were rigged in favour of the BJP-led alliance, using a mix of voter roll manipulation and last-minute turnout spikes to tilt the scales. In a June 7 newspaper column, he laid out his case, citing a sharp and sudden rise in voter registrations in constituencies where the BJP had fared poorly in the Lok Sabha elections, and an unusual jump in turnout after 5 pm on polling day. The EC dismissed the charges as misleading and invited Rahul for a discussion, but the Congress has refused to engage unless the requested voter data and footage are the core of Rahul's argument is the claim that the number of registered voters in Maharashtra jumped from 92.9 million in May 2024 (Lok Sabha elections) to 97 million by November 2024 (assembly elections)—an increase of 4.1 million in just five months, following a five-year increase of only 3.1 million since 2019. This acceleration in voter registration, Rahul argued, appeared suspiciously historical data (see table: Maharashtra Voter Trends) reveals that such surges are not unprecedented. During Congress rule in 2004, voter registration increased by 32 per cent in the five months preceding assembly polls. The 2009 elections, also under Congress governance, witnessed a 30 per cent jump. Most dramatically, 2019 recorded an 84 per cent surge in the final five months before elections. In this context, the 2024 increase of 49 per cent appears substantial but not historically anomalous. More specifically, Rahul alleged that new voter registrations were concentrated in approximately 12,000 of Maharashtra's 100,000 booths, primarily in 85 constituencies where the BJP had underperformed in the Lok Sabha elections. The Kamthi constituency served as his primary case study: while the Congress maintained roughly similar vote totals between the Lok Sabha (136,000) and assembly elections (134,000), the BJP's tally surged from 119,000 to 175,000, an increase of 56,000 votes that Rahul attributed to the 35,000 newly registered voters in the statistical analysis reveals the limitations of this argument. The BJP's 2024 vote-share of 54 per cent represented a recovery to its 2014 levels (exactly 54 per cent) after a dip to 44 per cent in 2019. The party has consistently won this seat since 2004, making its performance less exceptional than Rahul suggests. While the concentration of new voters warrants investigation, attributing voting patterns solely to new registrations oversimplifies electoral Rahul's most provocative claim concerned the mathematical impossibility of Maharashtra's voter registration exceeding its adult population. He cited 'government estimates' showing the state's adult population at 95.4 million compared to 97 million registered voters. The 2019 Population Projections for India and States report, by the National Commission on Population, places Maharashtra's adult population at 91.4 million in 2021, projected to rise to 98.1 million by 2026. A midpoint estimate for 2024 would be around 95.3 million, below the voter roll these are projections, not exact figures, and similar discrepancies have occurred elsewhere. For instance, in the Karnataka assembly polls in 2023, 52.1 million voters were registered despite the state's 2023 projected population being just 50.1 million. The number of registered voters even exceeded the 2026 projection of 51.9 million. The Congress won that election without raising concerns about inflated voter most intriguing allegation—and the one most difficult to verify through public data—concerns the dramatic increase in voter turnout after official polling hours. On polling day, the provisional turnout at 5 pm stood at 58.22 per cent. By the next morning, it had risen to 66.05 per cent, a jump of 7.83 percentage points or roughly 7.6 million votes. Rahul claims this swing exceeds patterns (see table: Maharashtra Turnout) from previous Maharashtra elections and, therefore, has demanded access to CCTV footage and digital voter lists to probe it. Here, the EC's defensiveness is troubling. On the CCTV footage request, the EC cited privacy concerns and voter security, arguing that footage could enable identification of voters and expose them to potential intimidation. Intriguingly, on May 30, a week before Rahul's article was published, the EC revised its guidelines, reducing the retention period for election footage from varying periods up to one year to a uniform 45 days after result declaration, citing 'recent misuse' of such materials. It also clarified that such recordings were only internal management tools, not a legal voter lists, the EC maintained that the Congress already possessed the rolls, having received draft lists in August 2024 and final versions in late August or September. The EC noted that of 19,27,508 claims and objections received during the revision process, only 89 appeals were filed against additions or deletions, suggesting minimal concerns at the the Congress now demands—and what the EC has yet to provide—are machine-readable, digital versions of both the 2024 Lok Sabha and assembly voter lists to enable systematic comparison. As the Congress letter of June 26 articulated: 'To investigate this thoroughly, any rational person would agree that the starting step is to compare the final electors list for Maharashtra 2024 Lok Sabha elections and final electors list for Maharashtra 2024 Vidhan Sabha elections.'advertisementWhile the Congress's allegations suffer from selective data interpretation and fail to account for historical precedents, the EC's reluctance to provide comprehensive, verifiable data undermines its credibility as an impartial arbiter. The EC bears a higher burden of proof precisely because it serves as the guardian of electoral no political party, including the Congress, should be permitted to erode public confidence in the electoral process through unverified or anecdotal claims. If the election process was fair and above board, it is in the interest of Indian democracy and the EC's own credibility to counter the charges with evidence-backed, data-driven clarity, not just indignation. 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