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Guru Purnima Holiday Today: Are Schools And Banks Open In Your State?

Guru Purnima Holiday Today: Are Schools And Banks Open In Your State?

News1817-07-2025
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Guru Purnima, a festival rich in cultural and spiritual meaning, is celebrated by Hindus, Buddhists, and Jains across India. It is a day dedicated to honouring teachers, mentors, and spiritual guides.
Though Guru Purnima holds great significance, especially in northern states, it has not been declared a national public holiday. The festival is officially observed as a holiday only in specific states or institutions.
In states like Maharashtra, Madhya Pradesh, Gujarat, and Uttarakhand, schools may remain closed on Guru Purnima. However, the decision rests solely with the respective state governments.
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A temple, a mosque, and the harmony in between
A temple, a mosque, and the harmony in between

Time of India

time21 hours ago

  • Time of India

A temple, a mosque, and the harmony in between

1 2 Panchkula: In Panchkula, amidst the sacred chants of "Har Har Mahadev" echoing from the 500-year-old Saketri temple, a different kind of devotion unfolds, one that transcends religion and celebrates the unity of communities. As the holy month of Sawan progresses, devotees come to the ancient Saketri Mandir to offer prayers to Lord Shiva, especially on Sawan Shivratri, considered one of the holiest nights in Hinduism. But beyond the spiritual reverence lies a heartening tale of communal harmony between Hindus and Muslims who share the sacred space not just in prayer, but in everyday life. Right next to the temple stands a mosque, and just outside the mandir, rows of stalls bustle with activity, many owned by members of both communities. Among them is Jalal Uddin, a vendor originally from Uttar Pradesh. Having moved to Panchkula 18 years ago, Jalal has become a familiar face around the Mansa Devi and Saketri temples, setting up his stall every Shivratri. On a hot July afternoon, Jalal arranges colorful toy fans at his stall. Nearby, Seema, whose father has a prasad stall at Mansa Devi since 2005 and has set up a stall at Saketri for Shivratri, teases him: "You're selling a toy fan, but you yourself are sitting in this heat!" The two share a hearty laugh before Seema returns to attend to a customer. by Taboola by Taboola Sponsored Links Sponsored Links Promoted Links Promoted Links You May Like New Container Houses Indonesia (Prices May Surprise You) Container House | Search Ads Search Now Undo These everyday interactions reflect a deep-rooted bond that has only strengthened over time. Kanta Rani, who sells prasad just across from a shop owned by Anwar Mohammad, says, "When there's a rush in the temple at night, these boys, including Anwar, help us manage the crowd. They hold sticks and allow people in batches, so things remain orderly." Anwar Mohammad, whose family runs four shops outside the mandir, shares a touching anecdote, "When there's a wedding in our community, the temple committee lends us utensils without hesitation. We help each other, that's how it has always been." KD Sharma, the Pradhan of the temple, echoes this sentiment with pride. "The Muslim community here is always ready to help, during big festivals or whenever we need them. We don't see differences. We live and work together." As the temple bells chime and incense diffuses through the air, the real offering at Saketri isn't just flowers or milk to Lord Shiva, it's the shared respect and brotherhood that bring these communities closer, year after year. Jalal, watching the evening crowd begin to gather, quietly says, "I have three children to feed and a family to support. That is my religion."

‘Himachal Pradesh polyandry': This is not a news. It is Savarna gaze
‘Himachal Pradesh polyandry': This is not a news. It is Savarna gaze

Indian Express

timea day ago

  • Indian Express

‘Himachal Pradesh polyandry': This is not a news. It is Savarna gaze

John B Bogart, an American journalist, while defining news, famously said, 'When a dog bites a man, that is not news. However, if a man bites a dog, that is news'. The idea of news has transformed over time, but what has remained constant is its emphasis on 'unusual'— its earnest desire to identify anything that deflects from the 'norm'. This norm is shaped by the dominant, hegemonic gaze. And any aberration becomes 'news'. When the marriage of a tribal woman to two brothers in Himachal Pradesh hit the headlines last week and was discussed threadbare across social media, it was a departure from the monolithic understanding of heteronormative marriage. It represented three things: First, the Savarna gaze that exoticises tribal practices; second, the lack of knowledge about diverse tribal cultures and histories; and third, the lack of vocabulary and assimilationist worldview – an indomitable desire to define everything through the existing epistemological framework, without understanding specific cultural context. Two schools of thought have historically dominated the Savarna perception of tribals – Verrier Elwin's exclusion theory, which recommends isolation of tribals, and G S Ghurye's assimilationist approach that considers tribals as 'backward Hindus' and bats for their assimilation into the larger Hindu society. Though many scholars, including Virginius Xaxa, Alpa Shah, read tribal cultures beyond this binary, the popular perception hasn't changed. When the marriage of two brothers with one woman from the Hatti tribe 'broke' the internet, the limitation of these dominant approaches became evident. First, it was considered 'unusual' and 'newsworthy' because it represents a hole in the assimilationist and Sanskritised template. Second, it also brings a practice prevalent among the 'excluded' others into the mainstream, adding 'oddity'— one of the 'news' elements taught in media schools. Unlike caste society, different tribal groups practice multiple forms of marriage, and they are often connected to preserving natural resources, either for the clan or for the family. The tradition of a woman married to two brothers comes from the concern of land. If the brothers marry different women and start separate families, their ancestral land would be divided. Given the limited cultivable land in the hilly areas, this tradition worked as a safeguard against such divisions. J P Singh Rana, in his book Marriage and Customs of Tribes in India, mentions that in such families, 'all sons are considered entitled to equal shares of their father's holding, although in practice they hardly divide but live with wife, land, house and cattle in common'. This practice is also found among many tribal communities – Tiyan, Toda, Kota, Khasha, Ladakhi Bota – who live across the Himalayan tracts, from Himachal Pradesh to Assam. The Lahulis of Chamba, however, follow an additional ritual where the younger bridegroom gives a rupee to the mother of the bride, claiming his status as the second husband. This tradition of giving a price to claim the status of husband is also connected to another predominant tribal custom: Bride price. This is mostly understood as a payment made by the husband to the family from whom he takes away the daughter, a crucial labour who participates in every cultivation work, except ploughing. Notably, the bride price is determined by the bride herself. Anthropologist B K Roy Burman, in his research, notes that 'It is not uncommon for a girl to wait till her mid-30s before she can find someone who can pay the bride price and become her partner in life.' Notably, in all of these cases, tribal women enjoy social dignity and high status. Anthropologist Furer-Haimendorf, in reference to Naga tribes, wrote in 1933, 'Many women in most civilised parts of India may well envy the women of the Naga Hills, their high status and their free, happy life.' Another anthropologist, J H Hutton, noted that Sema Naga women were free to choose their grooms; no girl was married against their will. The women in tribal society have had much better social status than their caste Hindu counterparts for centuries. Against this backdrop, when reports try to find out the 'will' of the bride in what is apparently known as the 'Himachal Pradesh polyandry case', it represents nothing but our intrinsic desire to find a 'victim' in tribal women. Moreover, the focus on the word 'polyandry' – among the Hatti community, it is known as 'jajda' – shows the lack of vocabulary to translate an indigenous practice into the prevalent lingual framework. 'Jajda' doesn't happen without the context of 'preserving natural resources'. Similarly, among the Garasia tribe, who mostly live in Rajasthan, unmarried couples follow a social arrangement called 'dopa'. They elope with their chosen partners, and when they come back, they pay a good amount to the woman's family and stay together without getting married. They also give birth to children, without fearing the social stigma that is prevalent in caste society. Sometimes, this arrangement is called a 'live-in' relationship, which also doesn't portray the actual reality. Here, the couple doesn't stay together to find compatibility; rather, that is their form of togetherness. From gaze to vocabulary, our understanding is marred by presumptive notions. We need to think beyond binaries and find ways to understand diverse customs in their own essence. Otherwise, it is not news, it is simply Savarna gaze.

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